Zimbabwe's new government will cement ZANU-PF hold

Significance His proposals, which include an amendment to economic indigenisation policies, came just a week after new President Emmerson Mnangagwa announced his first cabinet in the aftermath of the military coup that unseated former President Robert Mugabe. Despite his reforming rhetoric, Mnangagwa's new administration is filled with familiar ZANU-PF figures and few apparent reformers. The new president is likely consolidating his power base ahead of next year's planned polls. Impacts The economy will begin to grow as international actors, including China and the United Kingdom, begin to re-engage. The agricultural sector will be prioritised as an engine of economic growth. The privatisation of state-owned entities will boost revenue, but Mnangagwa-linked politicians are likely to act as gatekeepers. The opposition will be weakened by ZANU-PF's cosmetic reforms and 'change' message.

Significance The Commission's decision is one of several recent international developments that could have a severe impact on Ireland's economic growth. Without continued high growth, Ireland will not be able to move away from deficit budgets in the near future. Impacts Dublin may attract some companies looking for an EU base or seeking to move out of the United Kingdom after Brexit. The government's room for manoeuvre in balancing public-sector pay and public services in the 2017 budget will be severely constrained. Continued austerity will boost the populist opposition.


Subject The EU’s agricultural sector. Significance The EU’s agricultural sector faces a series of changes over the next few years: a trade agreement with Mercosur, a budget gap after the United Kingdom leaves the bloc and operational changes to subsidies. At the same time, Brussels is quietly considering a longer-term shift in its agricultural policy mandate. Impacts As the CAP is one of the most central EU policies, even limited devolution could encourage other sectors to push for similar changes. Countries with an agricultural base and a growing Eurosceptic populace such as Italy will seek to capitalise on these developments. Macron’s support for cutting CAP funding is likely to upset French farmers and could damage his domestic support. If no other solution for the Irish border is found, the United Kingdom may continue to comply with EU agricultural regulations after Brexit.


1992 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 123-137
Author(s):  
Enrique Moradiellos

The military coup of July 1936 against the Republican government of Spain, which rapidly developed into civil war, required an urgent response from the authorities of the United Kingdom. This was as much on account of its effects on British interests in Spain as due to its repercussions on the unstable situation in Europe. During the nearly three years of war, the Conservative-dominated Cabinet adhered to the Non-Intervention pact signed by all European governments in August 1936, which prescribed an arms embargo towards the combatants without a parallel recognition of their rights as belligerents. This peculiar neutrality, which combined respect for the legal status of the recognized government with de facto equal status for the rebels, was defended by British officialdom on the grounds of the over-riding need to restrict the war and avoid its escalation into a general European conflict. The argument served to deflect accusations of hidden antagonism towards the Republic and to justify the continuation of this policy of neutrality despite the support of Italy and Germany for the insurgent forces, so tolerating in practice the sabotage of the policy of non-intervention by the fascist powers. In the face of these official explanations, which have been accepted at face value by many historians, this article will attempt to show that British non-intervention had its origins in antirevolutionary pre-occupations rather than in strictly diplomatic considerations. Furthermore, it will be argued that during the first six months of the war it adhered consistently to a political strategy based on the expectation that the war would be short lived.


Significance The PTP’s comments follow Yingluck’s dramatic flight from Thailand two days before the verdict in her trial relating to her administration’s rice mortgage scheme. Impacts Yingluck’s flight is unlikely to affect investor sentiment, partly as the military tightly controls public dissent. The civil service’s power is likely to be boosted by the recent trials. The Pheu Thai Party may become less populist and consider coalitions after the next election. Yingluck may seek political asylum in the United Kingdom, but would be unlikely to gain it.


1957 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 546-547 ◽  

The Council of the Baghdad Pact held its annual meeting in Karachi from June 3 through 6, 1957. Representatives were present from the five member countries—Turkey, Iraq, Iran, Pakistan and the United Kingdom—and the United States was represented by an observer delegation. The Council had been scheduled to meet months earlier, but Iraq originally refused to meet with the United Kingdom. At the opening session, presided over by Mr. Suhrawardy, Prime Minister of Pakistan, the Prime Minister of Iraq, Nuri es Said, was reported to have spoken forcefully about the dangers implicit in the problems of Israel, Algeria, Kashmir and Cyprus. Mr. Lloyd, Foreign Minister of the United Kingdom, was reported to have followed Mr. Nuri es Said's remarks with a speech in which he announced his government's offer of a contribution of £500,000 a year in cash and in kind for building up the minimum military infra-structure in member countries. The speeches of other delegates were reported to be noteworthy for their frank recognition of past weaknesses in the Baghdad Pact organization and the need to give it new effectiveness. In the course of the first session the United States formally accepted an invitation to join the Pact's Military Committee; and a United States military delegation headed by General Nathan F. Twining started participating in a separate concurrent meeting of the Military Committee. The United States thus became a member of the Pact's three main committees, but had still not become a formal member of the Pact.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Agnese Rondoni ◽  
Elena Millan ◽  
Daniele Asioli

PurposePlant-based eggs have recently been developed to provide consumers with a healthier, animal-friendlier and more sustainable alternative to conventional eggs. The purpose of this paper is to investigate intrinsic and extrinsic attribute preferences for three prototypes of plant-based egg, namely the liquid, powder and egg-shaped.Design/methodology/approachNine focus groups in the United Kingdom and nine in Italy were conducted, with a total of 180 participants. A thematic analysis of results was conducted.FindingsIn terms of intrinsic product attributes, consumers' preferences for colour, shape, taste, ingredients, nutrients, method of production and shelf-life for plant-based eggs were revealed. Regarding the extrinsic attributes, preferences for price, packaging, country of origin and product naming emerged. Similarities and differences between consumers from the two countries are also discussed. Differences in preferences also emerged between vegan and non-vegan consumers.Research limitations/implicationsThis study adds to the existing knowledge on consumers' preferences for new plant-based food alternatives and identifies future quantitative approaches based on qualitative findings.Practical implicationsResults from this study can assist plant-based egg manufacturers in improving their products in line with consumers' expectations, which may help reducing risk of product failure.Originality/valueThis study is the first to investigate consumers' preferences, expectations and needs for new food products like plant-based eggs and provides information that can be practically applied by manufacturers, as well as suggestions for future research.


2003 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 43-74 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nae Young Lee

New democracies face the arduous task of determining how to deal with gross human rights violations committed during their authoritarian pasts, or the “torturer problem,” to quote Samuel P. Huntington (1991). A new democracy can enhance its legitimacy if it brings human rights violators to justice, thus demonstrating the supremacy of democratic values, including the rule of law. By ensuring that no wrongdoer will go unpunished, the democratic regime prevents the danger of a future military coup d'état and future human rights abuses. Equally critical, it strengthens the power base of democratic forces by delegitimizing or even occasioning a purge of key authoritarian leaders, who often wield influence within the institutions of power, including the military, even after democratic transition. Punishing past wrongdoings constitutes an act of preempting a democratic reversal. In this sense, the question of the past becomes a struggle over power with today's authoritarian forces and for the future of third-wave democracy.


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