Russian policymakers will await new US president

Subject Russian foreign policy in 2016. Significance Russian foreign policy is driven by an amalgam of realpolitik, nationalism and anti-Western ideology, and consists of both defensive and offensive strategies. The robust, confrontational approach championed by President Vladimir Putin in recent years has produced successes in such areas as the military campaign in Syria, but an undecided outcome in Ukraine and mixed results in other parts of the former Soviet Union. Impacts A NATO summit this July may result in a tougher, more coordinated stance on Russia. Following its official partial withdrawal from Syria, the Russian military will conduct selective attacks. Russia will need careful diplomacy to keep Belarus and Kazakhstan from drifting away as allies.

Author(s):  
Peter Rutland

This chapter examines US foreign policy in Russia. The collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991 raised a number of questions that have profound implications for American foreign policy; for example, whether the Russian Federation, which inherited half the population and 70 per cent of the territory of the former Soviet Union, would become a friend and partner of the United States, a full and equal member of the community of democratic nations, or whether it would return to a hostile, expansionary communist or nationalist power. The chapter considers US–Russia relations at various times under Bill Clinton, Boris Yeltsin, George W. Bush, Vladimir Putin, Barack Obama, Dmitry Medvedev, and Donald Trump. It also discusses a host of issues affecting the US–Russia relations, including the enlargement of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), the crisis in Kosovo and Ukraine, and the civil war in Syria.


Subject Prospects for Russian foreign policy in 2017. Significance President Vladimir Putin and senior Russian officials have hailed Donald Trump's victory in the US presidential election. Putin acknowledged that repairing bilateral relations would not be easy. Although some of Trump's campaign remarks will have pleased Moscow, the lack of clarity on what he will do in office means that a rapid 'reset' is not in sight. Moscow aspires to being treated as an equal superpower with its own spheres of interest, and has deployed military power and strong rhetoric to win this. The result is a deteriorating relationship with Western governments.


2016 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Samet Dalipi

The Cold War, characterized by its bipolar ideological rivalry, did not resolve centuries-old hostilities between the West and Russia. In order to regain the lost influence and reincarnation of regional hegemony, President Putin wanted a casus-belli. The international humanitarian intervention in Kosovo and the latter’s declaration of independence were Russia’s weak justifications for resuming the old clashes. Interventions in the territories of the former Soviet Union inhabited by Russian speakers, the annexation of Crimea, and direct involvement in the interethnic disputes in the eastern part of Ukraine and the Syrian wars show that Russia is determined to challenge and test the Western commitment to the spread of democracy. The similarities between Kosovo and Crimea, loudly echoed by Russia and their supporters, cannot be academically binding, except in some aspects of tertiary nature.The brutal prevention of Chechnya’s independence in the 1990s and failure to recognize Kosovo while applauding the independence of South Ossetia and Abkhazia present Putin’s political inconsistency and Real politic orientation. The Russian annexation of Crimea from Ukraine, and threats to destabilize countries that “do not respect” the rights and interests of Russians wherever they are, exemplify Putin’s policy.The article aims to analyze the volatility of Russian foreign policy by comparing the case of Kosovo’s independence to the annexation of Crimea and Russia’s paternalist intentions abroad. 


Significance Russian military deployments prompted Secretary of State Antony Blinken on October 13 to reiterate the "ironclad" US commitment to Ukraine. President Vladimir Putin's main preoccupations now are Kyiv and Washington. In both foreign policy areas, Russia's comparative advantages have increased because of the energy crisis in Europe and rising US-China competition.


Author(s):  
Sanaz Rostamjabri ◽  
Seyed Javad EmamJomehzadeh ◽  
Mahnaz Goodarzi

The Soviet Union emerged as a superpower in the Cold War, and after the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, a new Russia was formed. To achieve the hegemony of power, Russia's security document was given priority. In the first term, Vladimir Putin focused on pragmatism and emphasized the power of domestic politics and the revival of the Russian economy. In his second term, Putin focused on the politics of realism to gain power on the international stage and return to what Moscow is interested in. In his second term, Putin pursued a political (power expansion), security (avoiding differences), and economic (strengthening Russia) view Middle East. Therefore, in this study, Russian foreign policy in the Middle East and its importance The question for this study is: what factors in Russian foreign policy made the Middle East region important for Russia? And the hypothesis for this question: Russia's concern about Islamic fundamentalism (security), economic and political reasons are among the most important factors in directing its foreign policy to the Middle East.


Subject Prospects for Russian politics in 2016. Significance This has been another challenging year for President Vladimir Putin. Russian foreign policy adventures have plunged relations with the West to a new low, the economy continues to struggle and the assassination of Boris Nemtsov has exposed elite-level divisions. However, although the economic situation has forced the Kremlin to restrain budgetary spending, Russia's opposition is weak and demoralised.


2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 985-1001
Author(s):  
Nadezhda P. Sidorova

This article is devoted to the description and analysis of the Russian foreign policy as it has evolved from a more pro-Western line after 1991-1992 to a more balanced and nationalistic version by the mid-1990s. In addition, as a part of this article certain projections are made for the future of Russian relations with the West. The author argues that in many ways the foreign policy of the new Russia during the early 1990s was continuation of the Gorbachev’s ‘new thinking.’ Gorbachev had hoped to put the Soviet Union on the path of partnership with the Western alliance through clearing away the military and political baggage of Stalinism-Brezhnevism. This strategy enjoyed full support of the pro-western democratic movement headed by Yeltsin. The Russian democrats saw Western nations as their chief ideological and political allies, and a possible source of economic aid and a model for Russia’s economic development. However, over time, a number of internal and external factors started to influence the original Yeltsin’s strategy. Internally, the failure of ‘shock therapy’ led to the weakening of democrats and strengthening of the communists and nationalists. Furthermore, Yeltsin’s foreign policy became the target of intense criticism. Moreover, as a result of the internal and external influences and specifically the national debates, Russia’s foreign policy was gradually modified. Russia again puts an emphasis on security, and on the strength of its armed forces, and forging strategic partnerships in various parts of the world. In addition, nationalism would be expressed through the protection of the Russian diaspora, the glorification of Russia’s imperial past, and the scaling down the policy of repentance for the misdeeds of the Communist regime. Russia’s great power ambitions could be observed through Russia’s attempt to play pivotal role throughout the former Soviet Union, and a desire to show the Russian flag across the world. Moreover, ideology does not influence Kremlin’s relations with other states anymore, instead economic interests encourage Moscow to restore cooperation with many Third World nations. It can be expected that Russia will continue to compete for predominance with the West in the post-soviet republics and in the field of security and at the same time Russia will promote its partnership with China and other non-Western actors. However, despite these shifts, a multidirectional strategy will likely be preserved.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 582-607
Author(s):  
Marcos Paulo Dos Reis Quadros ◽  
Lauren Machado

Considerando a política externa russa dos anos 1990 até a atualidade, o artigo visa identificar a importância exercida pela região conhecida como Exterior Próximo para o posicionamento internacional da Rússia. Para tanto, investiga inicialmente o contexto de virtual ostracismo político e econômico que acompanhou o governo de Boris Yeltsin, evidenciando que a política externa russa do período flertou abertamente com o Ocidente e conformou-se à perda de prestígio decorrente da implosão da URSS. No entanto, a pesquisa salienta que as administrações capitaneadas por Vladimir Putin suscitaram uma revigorada assertividade da Rússia no plano internacional, reintroduzindo, na prática, um projeto de grande potência para o país. Através de análise que enfatiza os documentos intitulados “Conceito de Política Externa da Federação Russa”, publicados em 1993, 2000 e 2008 pelo Kremlin, o artigo sugere que o país procura confirmar e robustecer sua presença no Exterior Próximo justamente por considerar a região fundamental para efetivar seu protagonismo no cenário internacional. Por fim, o artigo discute as potencialidades e os entraves para os interesses russos na região, destacando as relações políticas e econômicas e o peso da coerção militar.Palavras-chave: Política Externa Russa; Exterior Próximo; Grande Potência.Abstract: Considering the 1990s’ Russian foreign policy until the present, this article aims to identify the importance exerted by the region known as Near Abroad to Russia’s international positioning. To do so, initially this study investigates the virtual political and economic wilderness context that has accompanied the government of Boris Yeltsin, showing that Russian foreign policy in this period has openly flirted with the West and conformed itself to prestige’s loss resulted from the URSS’ implosion. However, the research stresses that Vladimir Putin’s administrations have raised Russia's assertiveness on the international stage, reintroducing, in practice, a great power project for the country. Through an analysis that emphasizes the documents entitled "Foreign Policy Concept of the Russian Federation", published in 1993, 2000 and 2008 by the Kremlin, this article suggests that the country seeks to confirm and strengthen its presence on the Near Abroad precisely because Russia considers this region fundamental to carry out its role on the international stage. Finally, the article discusses the possibilities and obstacles for Russian interests in the region, highlighting the political and economic relations and the military coercion’s weight.Keywords: Russian Foreign Policy; Near Abroad; Great Power. DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p582-607 


2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-56
Author(s):  
Irina Busygina ◽  
Mikhail Filippov

In this article, we explore the inherent trade-offs and inconsistencies of Russia’s policies toward the post-Soviet space. We argue that attempts to rebuild an image of Russia as a “great power” have actually led to a reduction of Russian influence in the post-Soviet region. The more Russia acted as a “Great Power,” the less credible was its promise to respect the national sovereignty of the former Soviet republics. In 2011, Vladimir Putin declared that during his next term as president, his goal would be to establish a powerful supra-national Eurasian Union capable of becoming one of the poles in a multipolar world. However, Russia’s attempt to force Ukraine to join the Eurasian Union provoked the 2014 crisis. The Ukrainian crisis has de-facto completed the separation of Ukraine and Russia and made successful post-Soviet re-integration around Russia improbable.


Author(s):  
Valerii Pavlenko

The Article examines the military and political integration of Scandinavia in the European security architecture after 1945 and analyzes the historical experience of the countries of the North Europe in the late 1940s-1960s in the security space issues. Particular attention is paid to the close link between the military and political rapprochement with the processes of the economic, technological and political integration in the Western European region. It is emphasized that the economic basis of common interests encourages the EU member states all the time to seek peaceful means to resolve possible disputes. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of alternative approaches to the European security that the North European countries have used in their foreign policy. The role and place of these countries in the sphere of the European security during the late 1940s-1960s was determined. The influence of the USA and the USSR on the formation of the foreign policy of the Scandinavian countries, especially the pressure of the Soviet Union on Finland in its attempts to get a neutral state status, has been shown. The reasons for the failure to implement the military and political cooperation projects in the form of the Scandinavian Defense Alliance have been revealed.


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