Confrontation will rise in coming weeks in Venezuela

Significance The opposition Democratic Unity Movement (MUD), which gained a two-thirds supermajority in the December 6 National Assembly elections, has outlined plans for removing Maduro, reversing economic strategy, freeing political prisoners and dismantling the Bolivarian Revolution. Maduro and the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) have responded with a flood of initiatives intended to anchor the socialist model and bypass the new Assembly. Impacts Confrontation between the executive and Assembly shows no inclination to dialogue on crucial national issues. Polarisation is drawing in other actors, including the Catholic Church, media, trade unions, social organisations and the military. Divisions within both the PSUV and MUD will harden as strategy and priorities in both are determined by minority factions.

Significance The party base of the ruling United Socialist Party of Venezuela (PSUV) began the process of nominations for primaries that will be convened in June to select candidates for the 2015 National Assembly elections. The government enters the selection process on the back of a rise in popular support catalysed by perceived US aggression and Maduro's strong anti-imperialist narrative. Impacts The broad base of the PSUV nominations process contrasts with MUD plans, fuelling doubts over MUD divisions. Chavista 'battle units' will nominate four candidates, a strategy that is boosting waning enthusiasm for the Bolivarian Revolution. The primaries process strengthens the government's commitment to the parliamentary elections, the date of which has yet to be set.


Significance The National Assembly that convened January 5 has assumed a combative posture towards the government of President Nicolas Maduro which has, in turn, demonstrated an early resolve to bypass the legislature. Supporters of dialogue and negotiated reform on both sides have been marginalised, with confrontational actors promoted to dominant positions in the assembly and cabinet. Impacts The opposition will seek to advance its legislative priorities quickly, notably the release of political prisoners including Leopoldo Lopez. Assembly efforts to unpick and roll back the Bolivarian Revolution will prompt increasingly defensive and incoherent government responses. Intractable deadlock, wild rumour and instability are inevitable over the weeks and months ahead.


Author(s):  
Karolina Dłuska

The author of the article tries to indicate the relationship between the perceived presence of the Catholic Church in public life and the election preferences of Poles. The subject of the research here is the parliamentary elections in Poland in 2011 in the context of the perception by the electorate of the individual parties of the public presence of the Catholic Church in the selected aspects. Among them, the author points to: the issue of crosses and other religious symbols in public space, including the issue of a cross in the Sejm meeting room. She also recalls such matters as: religion lessons in schools, the religious nature of the military oath, priests appearing on public television, the Church taking a stand on laws passed by the Sejm and priests telling people how to vote in elections. The presented analysis is based on the results of the Polish General Election Study 2011.


2019 ◽  
Vol 20 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-119
Author(s):  
Bartosz Kapuściak

The primary task of the military intelligence in the People’s Republic of Poland was to acquire materials on the armament and stationing of NATO troops. However, due to the demand of the communist authorities, it also conducted political activities aimed at, among others, the Catholic Church. The interest of the state authorities increased especially during the pontificate of John Paul II. According to the assessment of military intelligence, the election of Karol Wojtyła as Bishop of Rome stimulated the Catholic Church both in Poland and in the Vatican. In this way, the activities of the Second Directorate of the General Staff of the Polish Army were within the scope of civil intelligence interests. The article aims to show the role played by intelligence officers and informers operating in Rome undercover as military attachés or in civilian institutions. Their actions resulted in the establishment of contacts with the church environment and acquisition of voluntary and involuntary informants. In this way, the Second Directorate of the General Staff of the Polish Army provided the party and political apparatus with interesting news and materials. Following the introduction of martial law in Poland, the church from the Rome area started sending parcels of food, clothes and medicines to Poland. This aid for the country was used to establish contact with the Polish clergy thanks to the initiative of Colonel Franciszek Mazurek.


Religions ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 281
Author(s):  
Carolyn M. Warner

The paper explores similarities in patterns of abuse and in patterns of how the known abuse cases are handled by the Catholic church and the U.S. military and develops preliminary explanations of why. The paper considers how the two organizations deal with external efforts by civil authorities at oversight and prosecution, and the extent to which they invoke their sacred status authority to evade responsibility and civilian oversight. The paper finds that the handling of sex abuse in each organization has been affected partly by the institutions seeing themselves as sacred, as something apart from the secular state, beholden to alternative authorities. The paper highlights the fact that child sex abuse by religious officials and sexual assault of soldiers by fellow soldiers and officers constitute profound challenges for democracy in the US and elsewhere, as the institutions claim and may be accorded separate and privileged status, beyond the reach of democratic laws and procedures. It is a warning about the costs of public deference to other institutions. The study utilizes documentation of Catholic church clergy child sex abuse cases in the US, and documentation of sex abuse cases in the US military.


Significance The vote was a major victory for President Felix Tshisekedi, who on December 6 announced he was breaking his coalition with Kabila to seek a new parliamentary majority capable of forming a government that will support his reform plans. Impacts The appointment of new leadership in the National Assembly will be the next major test of strength between the two camps. Tshisekedi may try to launch a similar offensive in the Senate, to remove Speaker Alexis Thambwe Mwamba, a close confidante of Kabila. Tshisekedi has extracted promises of loyalty and political neutrality from the military, but it is unclear that he can truly rely on them. Tshisekedi’s extensive foreign diplomacy has garnered him much regional and international goodwill, which could prove an important factor.


1990 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 67-122 ◽  
Author(s):  
Miguel Carter

The Coup d'Etat that overthrew General Alfredo Stroessner on the second night of February 1989 signaled the beginning of a new era for Paraguayan politics and the close of another chapter of Latin American caudillismo. He was replaced by General Andrés Rodríguez, Paraguay's second most powerful figure, in what was, in effect, a “palace coup.” General Rodríguez startled the nation by issuing a proclamation that called for (a) democratization of Paraguay, (b) full respect for human rights, and (c) restoration of the badly damaged relations with the Catholic Church. The proclamation ushered in a series of events which amazed the populace even more: opposition leaders — once banned and exiled by the Stroessner regime — were embraced and greeted by longtime adversaries; dozens of prominent exiled figures returned to find an enthusiastic atmosphere; political prisoners were freed; while corruption and torture became the subject of national debate as people sought both to uncover, and to bury, the legacy of the Stroessner years.


2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-407 ◽  
Author(s):  
Masoud Shadnam ◽  
Thomas B. Lawrence

ABSTRACT:Reports of widespread misconduct in organizations have become sadly commonplace. Sexual abuse in the Catholic Church, accounting fraud in large corporations, and physical and sexual harassment in the military implicate not only the individuals involved, but the organizations and fields in which they happened. In this paper we describe such situations as instances of “moral collapse” and develop a multi-level theory of moral collapse that draws on institutional theory as its central orienting lens. We draw on institutional theory because of its explicit concern with the relationships among individual beliefs and actions, the organizations within which they occur, and the collective social structures in which norms, rules and beliefs are anchored. Our theory of moral collapse has two main elements. First, we argue that morality in organizations is embedded in nested systems of individuals, organizations and moral communities in which ideology and regulation flow “down” from moral communities through organizations to individuals, and moral ideas and influence flow “upward” from individuals through organizations to moral communities. Second, we argue that moral collapse is associated with breakdowns in these flows, and explore conditions under which such breakdowns are likely to occur.


Author(s):  
Marta Gouveia de Oliveira Rovai ◽  
Eduardo Augusto Carvalho Teixeira

Resumo: Este artigo discute e busca compreender a literatura de testemunho como fonte histórica importante para o entendimento da ditadura civil-militar e do processo de redemocratização no Brasil, por meio da obra do Frei Carlos Alberto Libânio Christo, o Frei Betto, intitulada Batismo de Sangue e publicada em 1982. Entende-se que as produções testemunhais de sobreviventes de grandes catástrofes não são reflexos da realidade, mas produtos históricos de uma sociedade específica e de agentes discursivos que interferem no próprio processo histórico, como o gênero testemunhal. A adoção de perspectivas e linguagens diferenciadas sobre a leitura do passado, o possível choque de conteúdos e interpretações entre a memória coletiva de militância de grupos distintos e a construção da memória relativa à participação de setores da Igreja Católica na resistência armada ao regime militar são preocupações abordadas neste texto. Palavras chave: Batismo de Sangue – ditadura – literatura - testemunho – dominicanos   Abstract: This article discusses and seeks the comprehension of witness testimony as an important historical source to understand the civil-militar dictatorship and the process of democratization of Brazil, through the literary work of the priest Carlos Alberto Libânio Christo, Frei Betto, called Batismo de Sangue, published in 1982. It is understood that the testimonial productions of survivors of great catastrophes, aren’t the reflexes of reality, but the historical products of a specific society and of discursive agents that interfere in the historical process itself, as a testimonial gender. The choice of perspectives and different languages about the analysis of the past, the possible shock of interpretations and contents between the collective memory of militancy of different groups and the construction of relative memory to the participation of sectors of the Catholic Church in the armed resistence to the military regime are some of the concerns addressed in this article. Keywords: Batismo de Sangue – dictatorship – literaty – testimony – dominicanos


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