Thomas Henshaw, F. R. S. (1618-1700)

1982 ◽  
Vol 36 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-188 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Fish Ponds ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
Park Avenue ◽  
High Street ◽  
Manor House ◽  
West Town ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The City ◽  
John Evelyn

ON the 14 October 1675 John Evelyn wrote in his diary: ‘Dined at Kensington with my old acquaintance, Mr Henshaw, newly returned from Denmark, where he had been left resident after the death of the Duke of Richmond, who died there Ambassador’. There is no reference to Henshaw’s house in the histories of Kensington, but a deed of 1695 gives details of the renewal of Henshaw’s lease from the Rt Hon. Edward, Earl of Warwick and Holland, the owner of Holland House, of the manor house of West Town together with some fish ponds and surrounding fields. The ancient manor of West Town occupied the site that now lies between Holland Park Avenue on the north and Kensington High Street on the south, and between the Kensington and Hammersmith boundary on the west and Holland Walk, on the borders of Holland House and Park, on the east. The old manor house, once known as ‘the ould house at Kensington’ stood just to the east of the present church of St Barnabas in Addison Road and was demolished in 1800. Thomas Henshaw’s father, Benjamin, a Captain of the City of London, had resided in the manor house before his death in 1631, while Thomas himself lived there for 50 years from 1650.

The Fifteenth-Century Garner at Leadenhall, London

1989 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 119-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Samuel
Keyword(s):  
Fifteenth Century ◽  
Common Market ◽  
The West ◽  
Dual Purpose ◽  
Ground Plan ◽  
Documentary Sources ◽  
The North ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The City ◽  
Full Height

Excavation and observations from 1984–6 on the Leadenhall Court site in the City of London revealed elements of the fifteenth-century market building known as ‘The Leadenhall’. The truncated foundations were located in various areas of the site; 177 medieval moulded stones were found reused in later cellar walls; and a fragment of the west wall survived to its full height of 11.17m encased between Victorian buildings. The recording and subsequent study of these features, together with a reassessment of such plans and drawings of the building as have survived, established the ground plan of the quadrangle and chapel, and made possible a complete reconstruction of the north range of this important civic building. The methodology used in the reconstructions is described with particular emphasis upon the analysis of the moulded stones. In conclusion, both the design of the structure and the documentary sources are studied to show how it may have been intended to function.The arcaded ground floor functioned as part of a common market, while the upper floors were intended to be a granary. For convenience, however, this dual-purpose building is referred to as the ‘garner’ throughout the text.

scholarly journals X. Observations on a Grant of an Advowson of a Chantry to a Guild in 34 Henry VI., exhibited by Joseph Jackson Howard, Esq. F.S.A.

Archaeologia ◽  
1860 ◽  
Vol 38 (1) ◽  
pp. 135-148
Author(s):  
Weston Styleman Walford
Keyword(s):  
New Work ◽  
The North ◽  
North Side ◽  
The Gift ◽  
Henry Vi ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The City ◽  
Brothers And Sisters

The Deed exhibited this evening by Mr. Joseph Jackson Howard has appeared to me sufficiently interesting to justify a few remarks on its contents. It bears date the 7th of August 1456 (34 Hen. VI.). By it Richard Acreman granted to John Oudene, master of the fraternity or guild of St. George of the Men of the Mystery of Armourers of the city of London, to John Ruttour and William Terry, the wardens, and to the brothers and sisters of the same guild the advowson of or right of presenting a chaplain to the chantry which Joan, formerly the wife of Nicholas de Wokyndon, Knight, founded at the altar of St. Thomas the Martyr in the new work of the cathedral church of St. Paul, London, viz. on the north side of the same church; which altar was, at the time of this grant, placed in the chapel then commonly called the chapel of St. George within the said church, in which chapel the said guild was then lately founded and established by King Henry VI.: this advowson the said Richard Acreman had of the grant of Thomas Coburley and Thomas Burghille, who had it (inter alia) of the gift of Richard Bastard of Bedford and Isabella his wife, who was kinswoman and heiress of the said Nicholas de Wokyndon. The deed was witnessed by William Marwe, the Mayor of the city of London, and John Yonge and Thomas Ouldegreve, the Sheriffs.

The Catholic London District in the Eighteenth Century

2006 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-268
Author(s):  
David Butler
Keyword(s):  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Middle Class ◽  
The South ◽  
The West ◽  
Social Segregation ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The City ◽  
Drury Lane

The London of Challoner consisted only of some seven square miles, one square mile of which was, of course, the City of London. It can all be put onto some eight pages of the present A–Z map of London, which at the time of writing consists of 141 pages. John Rocques's map of London, on a scale of 200 feet to the inch, which he began in 1738 and finished in 1747, in its London Topographical Society format of 1982, perfectly illustrates the London of both Challoner and Defoe. The western extremities were at Marylebone, Knightsbridge and Chelsea, the eastern at Stepney, Limehouse and Deptford, the northern at Tottenham Court and Bethnal Green, while the southern limits were at Kennington and Walworth Common. The population of London was assessed by Wrigley in 1990 as c. 575,000 in 1700, as c. 675,000 in 1750 and as c. 959,000 in 1801. The 1767 papist returns indicated that most London Catholics lived in the parishes of St James and St Giles, within Westminster. Schwarz has pointed out the considerable social segregation in London, middle-class areas being in the west and central parts, with the poorer areas in the south and east. The St Giles area around Seven Dials going east to Bow Street and Drury Lane is reputed to have contained a third of the capital's beggars and to have been a notoriously criminal quarter. The Catholic numbers in Westminster were 7,724, the City numbers 1,492, with the Middlesex out-parishes having more than 2,000. The 1767 total for London, including the parishes to the south and east, comes to 12,320, clearly too low, as is the accumulated total for the London District of around 15,800. This gives about 3,500 for the London District outside the capital while Challoner's own figures give us a Catholic population of 5,261. If the errors in enumeration were the same in both areas (a large assumption), this enables us to guess that the 1767 figures could be corrected to about 18,500 London Catholics and about 24,000 for the whole District.

scholarly journals VII. An account of a storm of thunder and lightning at Norwich, on the 13th of July 1758

1759 ◽  
Vol 51 ◽  
pp. 38-40
Keyword(s):  
Common Garden ◽  
Main Beam ◽  
The West ◽  
Window Frame ◽  
North East ◽  
The North ◽  
Thunder Storm ◽  
Thursday Afternoon ◽  
East End ◽  
The City

About four o’clock on Thursday afternoon, July 13th 1758. a short but severe thunder-storm, with lightning, fell upon the top of an house standing alone, and belonging to a common garden, on the causeway near Sandling's ferry, in the city of Norwich; struck off the tiles of the roof at the east end, to the space of a yard or two 5 burnt a very small hole in the middle of a lath, in piercing into the chamber, and then darted to the north-east; ript off the top of an old chair, without throwing it down; snapt the two heads of the bed-posts, rent the curtains, drove against the wall (the front of the house stands due north-east), forced out an upright of a window frame a yard long, three inches broad, and two thick; smote it in a right line into an opposite ditch, ten or twelve yards distant; then struck down on the wall of the chamber, paring off half a foot s breadth of its plaistered covering quite down to the floor, listed up a board of the floor, and leaving an hole of half an inch diameter, pierced thro’ by the side of the main beam into the kitchen, towards the west end of a pewter- shelf; traversed the whole shelf to the east, and melted superficially to the breadth of a shilling six pewter dishes, two plates, and a pewter bason, all standing touching one another: two of the dishes were thrown down, the rest not displaced.

A Ball Court Located on the San Pedro River in Southeastern Arizona

1951 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-260 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles C. Dipeso
Keyword(s):  
Archaeological Site ◽  
River Channel ◽  
The West ◽  
San Pedro River ◽  
The North ◽  
San Pedro ◽  
Cochise County ◽  
Desert Flora ◽  
The Village ◽  
The City

The Amerind Foundation, Inc. spent the first three weeks of December, 1948, excavating a ball court at the archaeological site of Arizona:BB:15:3, which is located in Cochise County, Sec. 20, T15S, R20E. The actual village area is located on the west bank of the San Pedro River twenty-two miles north of the city of Benson at an approximate elevation of 3300 feet.The ball court was located in the north half of the village on a terrace some forty feet above the river channel. It appeared as a shallow but conspicuous oval depression which was overgrown with mesquite trees and other desert flora of the Sonoran plateau type. Fortunately the court had not been disturbed by any previous excavations nor by erosion (Fig. 86, a).

scholarly journals Cavanaugh: A Late Prehistoric Platform Mound in Western Arkansas

2005 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregory Vogel
Keyword(s):  
Late Prehistoric ◽  
The South ◽  
Ouachita Mountains ◽  
The West ◽  
Arkansas River ◽  
The North ◽  
Residential Neighborhood ◽  
Fort Smith ◽  
High Terrace ◽  
The City

Cavanaugh Mound (3SB3, also known as Etter's Mound, Jones Mound, Site Zeta, and occasionally misspelled Cavenaugh) is a largely intact Late Prehistoric platform mound on the Arkansas River just east of the Oklahoma border, about 14 km from the Spiro Mounds complex. The site is situated on a high terrace above the Arkansas River as it runs between the Ouachita Mountains to the south and the Ozarks to the north. The Poteau River enters the Arkansas River floodplain just west of Cavanaugh, creating one of the widest stretches of bottomland in the region. The area immediately around Cavanaugh Mound is now a residential neighborhood in the city of Fort Smith, and the mound itself is in a tiny lot with a church to the south, a trailer park to the east (named Indian Mounds Trailer Park), and a row of houses to the west. At about 60 m across and 9 m high, Cavanaugh Mound is one of the largest, if not the largest, prehistoric mound in the region. Very little has been published concerning this site, however, and very little formal archeological work has been done there. This article is partly intended to call attention to Cavanaugh Mound, and to compile all reports and descriptions of the mound in one publication. The first part of the article is therefore mostly descriptive. I also offer some tentative interpretations of the site and its possible relationship to the nearby Spiro and Skidgel sites. The size , shape, and stratigraphy of the mound all indicate that it was constructed and used in a manner similar to other Caddoan era platform mounds in the Arkansas River valley. The mound appears to be alone on the landscape, not connected to a group of surrounding mounds and not located within or near a contemporaneous settlement. It overlooks the Poteau/ Arkansas River bottoms to the west and was probably visible from both the Spiro and Skidgel sites in prehistoric times.

scholarly journals Gubernur Jenderal VOC Jan Pieterszoon Coen dan Pembangun Kota Batavia (1619-1629)

Sosio e-kons ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 54
Author(s):  
Rani Noviyanti
Keyword(s):  
West Coast ◽  
North Coast ◽  
The West ◽  
The North ◽  
The Social ◽  
The City

<p>ABSTRACT</p><p>The establishment of the city of Batavia on the west coast of the north coast of Java, cannot be separated from the role of a figure named Jean Pieterzoon Coen. Although previously Jayakarta (the name before Batavia), was controlled and built by Pangeran Fatahillah, the situation and conditions in the social and economic fields of Jayakarta were not like the management of J.P. Coen. After Jayakarta was controlled by the VOC, through a military expedition policy designed by JP. Coen, the condition of the city of Jayakarta slowly gradually increased in the social and economic fields. The increase in the city of Batavia in the social and economic fields was based on three JP policies. Coen was quite brave, namely increasing trade activities in the Sunda port of Kalapa, revitalizing the position of the islands in northern Batavia as a base of administration and defense and security, and opening the widest door for Chinese traders and immigrants. The three policies, in fact, were purely based on the thoughts outlined by JP. Coen, after taking over the Jayakarta area from the mastery of Prince Fatahillah.</p><p>Keywords: J.P. Coen, Kota Batavia.</p><p><strong><em>ABSTRAK</em></strong></p><p>Pendirian kota Batavia di sebelah barat pesisir pantai utara Jawa, tidak dapat dipisahkan dari peran seorang tokoh yang bernama Jean Pieterzoon Coen. Meskipun sebelumnya Jayakarta (nama sebelum Batavia), dikuasai dan dibangun oleh Pangeran Fatahillah, akan tetapi situasi dan kondisi dalam bidang sosial dan ekonomi Jayakarta tidak seperti pada masa pengelolaan J.P. Coen. Setelah Jayakarta dikuasai oleh VOC, melalui kebijakan ekspedisi militer yang dirancang oleh JP. Coen, keadaan kota Jayakarta perlahan demi perlahan semakin meningkat dalam bidang sosial dan ekonomi. Peningkatan kota Batavia dalam lapangan sosial dan ekonomi dilatari oleh tiga kebijakan JP. Coen yang cukup berani, yakni meningkatkan aktivitas perdagangan di pelabuhan Sunda Kalapa, merevitalisasi kedudukan pulau-pulau di utara Batavia sebagai basis adiministrasi dan pertahanan dan keamanan, serta membuka pintu seluas-luasnya bagi pedagang dan pendatang etnis Tionghoa. Tiga kebijakan tersebut, sejatinya meurpakan murni hasil pemikiran yang dituangkan olh JP. Coen, setelah mengambil alih wilayah Jayakarta dari penguasaan pangeran Fatahillah.</p><p>Kata Kunci : J.P. Coen, Kota Batavia.</p>

Roger Kingdon

1971 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-58
Author(s):  
J. W. L.
Keyword(s):  
Spanish Civil War ◽  
First World War ◽  
London School ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
The First World War ◽  
University College London ◽  
City Of London ◽  
The City ◽  
First World

One of the most distinguished members of our Association has, since our last issue, celebrated his eightieth birthday. Roger Kingdon's earliest connections were with the West Country and London. He was born in the borough of Greenwich and went to the City of London School. His working career began at Plymouth on the Western Morning News in 1908, but by 1912 he had begun at Barcelona his long series of stays abroad. During the first world war he enlisted in the Artists' Riflės and was later commissioned in the Royal Engineers. Between 1920 and the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War he spent much of his time teaching English in Barcelona. In the session of 1936–37 he was a student at University College, London, Phonetics Department, staying on two further years to teach in the Department.

“Eskimo” Immigrants and Colonial Soldiers: Icelandic Immigrants and the North-West Resistance, 1885

2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (s1) ◽  
pp. s309-s338
Author(s):  
Laurie K. Bertram
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Indigenous People ◽  
Western Canada ◽  
The West ◽  
New Developments ◽  
North West ◽  
The North ◽  
History Of ◽  
The City ◽  
Urban Working

How did marginalized and racialized ethnic immigrants transform themselves into active, armed colonial agents in nineteenth-century Western Canada? Approximately twenty Icelanders enlisted to fight Louis Riel’s forces during the North-West Resistance in 1885, just ten years following the arrival of Icelandic immigrants in present-day Manitoba. Forty more reportedly enlisted in an Icelandic-Canadian battalion to enforce the government’s victory in the fall. This public, armed stance of a group of Icelanders against Indigenous forces in 1885 is somewhat unexpected, since most Icelanders were relatively recent arrivals in the West and, in Winnipeg, members of the largely unskilled urban working class. Moreover, they were widely rumoured among Winnipeggers to be from a “blubber-eating race” and of “Eskimo” extraction; community accounts testify to the discrimination numerous early Icelanders faced in the city. These factors initially make Icelanders unexpected colonialists, particularly since nineteenth-century ethnic immigration and colonial suppression so often appear as separate processes in Canadian historiography. Indeed, this scholarship is characterized by an enduring belief that Western Canadian colonialism was a distinctly Anglo sin. Ethnic immigrants often appear in scholarly and popular histories as sharing a history of marginalization with Indigenous people that prevented migrants from taking part in colonial displacement. Proceeding from the neglected history of Icelandic enlistment in 1885 and new developments in Icelandic historiography, this article argues that rather than negating ethnic participation in Indigenous suppression, ethnic marginality and the class tensions it created could actually fuel participation in colonial campaigns, which promised immigrants upward mobility, access to state support, and land.

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