scholarly journals The Origins and Transformations of Conservative Gender Regimes in Germany and Japan

2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 432-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen A Shire ◽  
Kumiko Nemoto

Abstract In this article, we extend Walby’s analysis of gender transformations to theorize gender relations in conservative modernizations. We draw insights from a historical comparison of gender inequalities in Germany and Japan, to draw a distinction between conservative authoritarian and conservative democratic gender regimes, and their transformations. Conservative gender regimes, we argue, constitute the domestic as a public sphere and transform through social and family policies, which reinforce a gendered division of labor. The concept of conservative gender regimes, we argue, is relevant for analyzing transformations in other European and non-European world regions.

2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 207-232
Author(s):  
Sari Hanafi ◽  
Azzam Tomeh

Abstract This article discusses the debate on gender-equal inheritance in Tunisia. In it, Maeve Cooke’s conception of authoritarian versus non-authoritarian practical reasoning is applied to see whether binaries, like religious versus secular, are existent in the public debate on equal inheritance in Tunisia. The mapping of the debate shows the existence of three sets of arguments: jurisprudential/textual, sociological, and legal. Proponents of equal inheritance base their arguments primarily on legal, then sociological, then textual grounds, whereas law opponents base their arguments on textual, then legal, then sociological grounds. The weakness of the sociological arguments of law opponents is evident when stating that a gendered division of labor within the family still exists without providing statistics or empirical evidence to back up that claim. Through shared categories and grounds, the discussions in Tunisia share a common language in the public sphere, allowing for the reduction of authoritarian tendencies and longstanding polarization through public deliberation.


Author(s):  
Christie Hartley

In modern liberal democracies, the gendered division of labor is partially the result of men and women making different choices about work and family life, even if such choices stem from social norms about gender. The choices that women make relative to men’s disadvantage them in various ways: such choices lead them to earn less, enjoy less power and prestige in the labor market, be less able to participate in the political sphere on an equal basis, make them to some degree financially dependent on others, and leave them at a bargaining disadvantage and vulnerable in certain personal relationships. This chapter considers if and when the state should intervene to address women’s disadvantage and inequalities that are the result of gender specialization. It is argued that political liberals can and sometimes must intervene in the gendered division of labor when persons’ interests as free and equal citizens are frustrated.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0094582X2110130
Author(s):  
Rachel Elfenbein

Venezuela’s state-led national-popular Bolivarian process opened up a new political field for feminism—an approach that was both institutional and popular, aiming to combine forces from above and from below and use state gender institutions to foment popular women’s organization. Yet this field was conflictual, containing contesting popular feminist projects with different implications for the gendered division of labor. Analysis of popular women’s organizing around Venezuela’s 2012 organic labor law shows that state adoption of feminism marked a gendered political opening for popularizing feminism while also presenting risks of state co-optation of popular women’s organizing. The state understood popular women’s organization and mobilization as central to the revolution, yet it generally attempted to limit their autonomy and organizing to challenge the gendered division of labor. El bolivarianismo nacional-popular liderado por el estado venezolano abrió un nuevo campo político para el feminismo: un enfoque que era tanto institucional como popular y cuyo objetivo era combinar fuerzas tanto de arriba como de abajo, así como utilizar las instituciones estatales de género para fomentar las organizaciones populares de mujeres. Sin embargo, este campo resultó conflictivo, y parte de su contenido impugnaba proyectos feministas populares con diferentes implicaciones para las divisiones de género en el trabajo. El análisis de la organización popular de las mujeres en torno a la ley orgánica del trabajo de Venezuela de 2012 muestra que la adopción estatal del feminismo marcó una apertura política de género con intenciones de popularizar el feminismo a la vez que presentaba el riesgo de que la organización popular de las mujeres fuera cooptada por el estado. El estado consideraba la organización y movilización popular de las mujeres como esenciales a la revolución. Sin embargo y hablando generalmente, se abocó a limitar su autonomía y organización cuando se trataba de desafiar las divisiones de género en el trabajo.


2012 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 25
Author(s):  
Imam Amrusi Jailani

Observing the relationship between men and women, actually recognized the existence of two relationships that are connotative be distinguished, that, sexual relations and gender relations. Sexual relationship is the relationship between men and women based on the demands and biological categories. Whereas gender relations is a concept and a different social reality, in which the sexual division of labor between men and women is not based on an understanding of normative and biological categories, but on the quality, skills, and roles based on social conventions. Thus, the concepts and manifestations of gender relations more dynamic and has the flexibility to consider psycho-social variables were developed. Based on this understanding, it could be someone who is biologically classified as a woman, but from the point of gender may play a role as a man or vice versa. Therefore, we need to reorient the roles of women, especially their involvement in the organization of the Islamic community, which often marginalized.


Author(s):  
Nora Räthzel ◽  
Diana Mulinari ◽  
Aina Tollefsen

Author(s):  
Valerie Barske ◽  
Ekaterina Levintova ◽  
Valerie Murrenus Pilmaier ◽  
Darci Thoune

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