Toward a Multiracial, Feminist Social-Democratic Praxis: Lessons from Grassroots Warriors in the U.S. War on Poverty

1998 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. A. NAPLES
Keyword(s):  
War On Poverty ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Multiracial Feminist ◽  
The U.S

scholarly journals Did We Lose the War on Poverty?

1998 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dale W Jorgenson
Keyword(s):  
Household Income ◽  
Well Being ◽  
War On Poverty ◽  
Support Programs ◽  
Accurate Assessment ◽  
Income Support ◽  
Poverty Level ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Economic Well Being

Official U.S. poverty statistics based on household income imply that the proportion of the U.S. population below the poverty level reached a minimum in 1973, giving rise to the widespread impression that the elimination of poverty is impossible. By contrast, poverty estimates based on household consumption have fallen through 1989 and imply that the war on poverty was a success. This paper recommends replacing income by consumption in official estimates of poverty in order to obtain a more accurate assessment of the impact of income support programs and economic growth on the level and distribution of economic well-being among households.

Notes from the Editors, April 2019

2019 ◽  
pp. c2-62
Author(s):  
The Editors
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Social Reform ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
The United States ◽  
Important Goal ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Reform Program ◽  
Socialist Movement ◽  
The U.S

buy this issue In the midst of the U.S.-directed coup attempt against the Bolivarian Republic of Venezuela in January–February, Donald Trump delivered a number of verbal attacks on socialism in Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua. The immediate object was to justify U.S. attempts to overthrow the Bolivarian Republic. The less immediate, but hardly less important, goal was to tarnish the growing social democratic (self-styled democratic socialist) movement in the United States, associated with figures like Bernie Sanders and Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez. In order to safeguard their ambitious social-reform program, the new coterie of Democratic Party socialists have thus sought to separate themselves from Venezuela and other Latin American socialist states, presumably abandoning these countries to their fates at the hands of U.S. imperialism. This raises the historic question of social imperialism—a policy of social reform at home and imperial hegemony abroad.

scholarly journals Comparing Swedish Foundations: A Carefully Negotiated Space of Existence

2018 ◽  
Vol 62 (13) ◽  
pp. 1889-1918 ◽  
Author(s):  
Filip Wijkström ◽  
Stefan Einarsson
Keyword(s):  
The United States ◽  
Religious Communities ◽  
Striking Difference ◽  
Democratic Regime ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
The Social ◽  
Limited Support ◽  
Important Form ◽  
The U.S

Foundations and philanthropy currently play a very limited role in the Swedish welfare. The same is true in fields like Culture and Recreation or International Activities. Only in the case of funding of research do Swedish foundations exhibit a role possible to define in terms of substitution rather than weak complementarity in relation to government. Despite marginal positions for philanthropy, Sweden displays a wealthy as well as growing foundation population, which seems like a paradox, at least in comparison to the situation in Germany and the United States where foundations traditionally play a more visible and pronounced role in society. A striking difference between the Swedish foundations and their U.S. or German counterparts is their weak bonds to religious communities or causes. Instead, we can identify in our new data set a growing segment of the Swedish foundation world that is affiliated with other parts of civil society. The same is true for the category of independent foundations, which points toward the U.S. model. We find in the article some limited support for a “philanthropic turn” in Sweden, but overall the foundation world is still deeply embedded in the social contract and strong Social-Democratic regime of the 20th century. In comparison to neighboring Scandinavian or Nordic countries, both similarities and differences are identified where, for example, the Norwegian case display a much larger segment of operating foundations, closely affiliated with government, while in Denmark, on the other hand, the corporate-owning foundation seems to be a much more important form than in Sweden.

Social Democratic Capitalism

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lane Kenworthy
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Public Services ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Security ◽  
Human Flourishing ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Democratic Capitalism ◽  
High Employment ◽  
Labor Market Regulations ◽  
The U.S

What configuration of institutions and policies is most conducive to human flourishing? The historical and comparative evidence suggests that the answer is social democratic capitalism — a democratic political system, a capitalist economy, good elementary and secondary schooling, a big welfare state, pro-employment public services, and moderate regulation of product and labor markets. Lane Kenworthy shows that this system improves living standards for the least well-off, enhances economic security, and boosts equality of opportunity. And it does so without sacrificing other things we want in a good society, from liberty to economic growth to health and happiness. Its chief practitioners have been the Nordic nations. The Nordics have gone farther than other rich democratic countries in coupling a big welfare state with public services that promote high employment and modest product- and labor-market regulations. Many believe this system isn’t transferable beyond Scandinavia, but Kenworthy shows that social democratic capitalism and its successes can be replicated in other affluent nations, including the United States. Today, the U.S. lags behind other countries in economic security, opportunity, and shared prosperity. If the U.S. expanded existing social programs and added some additional ones, many Americans would have better lives. Kenworthy argues that, despite formidable political obstacles, the U.S. is likely to move toward social democratic capitalism in coming decades. As a country gets richer, he explains, it becomes more willing to spend more in order to safeguard against risk and enhance fairness. He lays out a detailed policy agenda that could alleviate many of America’s problems.

Beyond Progressivism: Charles A. Beard's Social Democratic Theory of American Political Development

1994 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-281
Author(s):  
Clyde W. Barrow
Keyword(s):  
Political Development ◽  
Historical Context ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
American Political Development ◽  
Protective Measure ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Economic Class ◽  
Financial Interests ◽  
Class Divisions ◽  
The U.S

In one of his last published works, Vernon Louis Parrington authored the introduction to a book entitledThe Growth and Decadence of Constitutional Government. In it he endorsed the book's claim that ratification of the U.S. Constitution had been accompanied by “bitter class divisions.” In Parrington's view, the struggle for ratification was accurately described as both a political “clash between aristocracy and democracy” and an economic class struggle “between the greater landed and financial interests and the agrarian interests” of the new republic. He concurred with the author that “the two [struggles] in reality were one.” Hence, he suggested, relative to this historical context, the Constitution should be regarded as “a deliberate and well considered protective measure designed by able men who represented the aristocracy and wealth of America; a class instrument directed against the democracy.”

scholarly journals Employment and income support policies during the early phases of COVID-19: Lessons from the U.S., Denmark, and Taiwan

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 97-108
Author(s):  
Chiao-yu Yang ◽  
Katharine Briar-Lawson ◽  
Jildyz Urbaeva
Keyword(s):  
Welfare State ◽  
Income Support ◽  
Economic Activities ◽  
Health Crisis ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Part Time ◽  
State Regime ◽  
Human Costs ◽  
Early Phases ◽  
The U.S

As COVID-19 spread across the world in 2020, health and economic activities have been impacted, and unemployment has risen across many countries. The consequences have been particularly harmful to vulnerable populations such as women, racial minorities, or part-time workers. While many governments enacted employment and income support policies as a response to this economic and health crisis, there has been a lack of comparative and evaluative reviews of how policies have addressed unemployment and inequality during the pandemic. In this study, we draw on Esping-Andersen’s (1990) frame of a liberal versus social-democratic welfare state to contextualize some employment and income support polices during the early phases of COVID-19 from the U.S., Denmark, and Taiwan, aiming to enhance the understanding of such policies. We found that the U.S., being more aligned with a liberal welfare state regime, relied on more market mechanisms to address labor and employment issues. Denmark and Taiwan, being more aligned with a social-democratic welfare state, enacted more interventions in and redistributions outside of the market to address employment problems. The human costs of unemployment and unemployment and labor market hysteresis are addressed in light of these two different approaches and outcomes.

A Counter-War on Poverty

2019 ◽  
pp. 183-214
Author(s):  
Sylvie Laurent
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
War On Poverty ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Substantive Justice

This chapter relocates King’s views on the political economy of substantive justice in the context of the Johnson’s administration. It seeks to position the campaign with regards to the American liberal framework. King’s social-democratic demands for redistribution of power and wealth sounded like an indictment of corporate liberalism.

War on Poverty; The U.S. and Panama

1964 ◽  
Vol 15 (10) ◽  
pp. 529
Author(s):  
Leo Huberman ◽  
Paul M. Sweezy
Keyword(s):  
War On Poverty ◽  
The U.S

Welfare, punishment and neoliberalism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Cummins
Keyword(s):  
Social Work ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
War On Poverty ◽  
Penal Policy ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Culture Shift ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Welfare Systems ◽  
Penal State ◽  
Area Of Concern

This chapter examines the broader impact of neoliberalism on welfare and penal policy, arguing that there has been an ideological and culture shift, which can be summarised as follows: the War on Poverty to a War on the Poor. It first considers three types of welfare states — liberal welfare states, conservative/corporatist welfare states, and social democratic welfare states — and the neoliberal argument against welfare systems before discussing the government's policy of welfare retrenchment known as austerity. It also analyses the rise of the penal state, the trend called ‘governing through crime’, some of the inherent contradictions within the penal state, issues surrounding penal policy, and prison conditions as a key area of concern for social work as a profession.

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