Marginalization or Incorporation? Welfare Receipt and Political Participation among Young Adults

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Naomi F Sugie ◽  
Emma Conner

Abstract Prior scholarship finds that participation in means-tested welfare programs, including cash assistance and food stamps, deters political participation among groups that are already politically and socioeconomically marginalized. We revisit these findings within a contemporary context using nationally representative data, along with fixed-effects models that adjust for time-stable unobserved and time-varying observed characteristics. In contrast to prior research, we find little evidence that cash assistance is related to participation. However, food stamps—a benefits program that has undergone substantial changes in recent years—is positively associated with being registered to vote. Moreover, food stamps has countervailing associations with voting—e.g., marginalizing and incorporating—that depend on a person’s attention to politics. Together, these findings revise our understanding of how welfare influences political inequalities and advances policy feedback scholarship by identifying heterogeneity by political attentiveness as a focus of future inquiry.

2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alecia J. McGregor ◽  
Laura M. Bogart ◽  
Molly Higgins-Biddle ◽  
Dara Z. Strolovitch ◽  
Bisola Ojikutu

AbstractBoth African American and LGBT voters can prove pivotal in electoral outcomes, but we know little about civic participation among Black LGBT people. Although decades of research on political participation has made it almost an article of faith that members of dominant groups (such as White people and individuals of higher socioeconomic status) vote at higher rates than their less privileged counterparts, recent work has suggested that there are circumstances under which members of marginalized groups might participate at higher rates. Some of this research suggests that political participation might also increase when groups perceive elections as particularly threatening. We argue that when such threats are faced by marginalized groups, the concern to protect hard-earned rights can activate a sense of what we call “political hypervigilance,” and that such effects may be particularly pronounced among members of intersectionally-marginalized groups such as LGBT African Americans. To test this theory, we use original data from the 2016 National Survey on HIV in the Black Community, a nationally-representative survey of Black Americans, to explore the relationship among same-sex sexual behavior, attitudes toward LGBT people, and respondent voting intentions in the 2016 presidential election. We find that respondents who reported having engaged in same-sex sexual behavior were strongly and significantly more likely to say they “definitely will vote” compared to respondents who reported no same-sex sexual behavior. More favorable views of LGBT individuals and issues (marriage equality) were also associated with greater intention to vote. We argue that these high rates provide preliminary evidence that political hypervigilance can, in fact, lead to increased political engagement among members of marginalized groups.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (9) ◽  
pp. 935-954 ◽  
Author(s):  
Julia O’Connor ◽  
Lenna Nepomnyaschy

Using a longitudinal population-based sample ( n = 4,234), this study explored the association of intimate partner violence (IPV) with material hardship. We found that women who experienced IPV are substantially more likely to experience material hardship, even after controlling for a comprehensive set of static and time-varying characteristics, including material hardship at the prior wave and individual fixed effects. Associations were strongest for experiences of physical abuse (the least prevalent type of IPV) and controlling abuse (the most prevalent type of IPV) but were weaker for emotional abuse. Results suggest that IPV increases the probability of material hardship by 10-25%.


2020 ◽  
pp. 004912412091493
Author(s):  
Marco Giesselmann ◽  
Alexander W. Schmidt-Catran

An interaction in a fixed effects (FE) regression is usually specified by demeaning the product term. However, algebraic transformations reveal that this strategy does not yield a within-unit estimator. Instead, the standard FE interaction estimator reflects unit-level differences of the interacted variables. This property allows interactions of a time-constant variable and a time-varying variable in FE to be estimated but may yield unwanted results if both variables vary within units. In such cases, Monte Carlo experiments confirm that the standard FE estimator of x ⋅ z is biased if x is correlated with an unobserved unit-specific moderator of z (or vice versa). A within estimator of an interaction can be obtained by first demeaning each variable and then demeaning their product. This “double-demeaned” estimator is not subject to bias caused by unobserved effect heterogeneity. It is, however, less efficient than standard FE and only works with T > 2.


2015 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 291-314 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Mabli

Program outreach activities are integral components of social welfare programs, but the relationship between availability of outreach services and households’ program participation has not been examined due to lack of data on outreach efforts. This study uses a unique, nationally representative, matched household-agency data set of more than 21,000 households from 2009 to examine relationships between household participation in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP) and outreach and eligibility services offered by local agencies. When agencies provide applications to clients of emergency food pantries and submit their applications to SNAP administrative offices, the probability of household participation in SNAP increases 5–6 percentage points.


2020 ◽  
Vol 86 (2) ◽  
pp. 183-206
Author(s):  
Pinar Mine Gunes ◽  
Magda Tsaneva

AbstractThis paper estimates the effects of teenage childbearing on education, working, physical and mental health, and physical activity of young girls in Mexico using two waves of the nationally representative Mexican Family Life Survey. We employ a propensity score matching model that accounts for a rich set of baseline covariates that predict teenage childbearing to attempt to reduce the bias due to confounding variables associated with teenage childbearing. The results demonstrate that teenage childbearing is associated with an increase in the probability of being overweight, and reductions in physical activity and the probability of high school completion. Moreover, the results are consistent when we employ sibling fixed effects to account for unobservable family background.


2019 ◽  
Vol 29 (Supplement_4) ◽  
Author(s):  
M Falkenbach ◽  
S L Greer

Abstract Background Why, fundamentally, are the politics and public opinion of ageing and health so badly mis-aligned with facts about the costs of ageing societies? The literature has for decades characteristically divided between an old politics of expansion and the post-1990s new politics of recalibration and austerity. The problem for understanding the politcs of health and ageint is that a mix is also plausible: recalibration with an element of expansion in long term care. This mix then leads to a further thought: When do governments expand mature welfare states to deal with risks not covered in traditional male-wage-earner welfare programs? Methods A narrative review was conducted on the thin literature available attempting to answer the question as to why governments are not picking win-wins (e.g. keep people healthy so they can actually retire at their formal retirement ages, or ensure informal care is valued). Results There were a handful of hypotheses identified in the review, including: the “old politics” of welfare expansion where “credit claiming” is used for highly popular initiatives, the “new politics of the welfare state” also known as the “blame avoidance thesis” where politicians will attempt to avoid blame by making cuts less transparent, “blame buffering” and the “median voter theory” as well as “negative policy feedback”. Conclusions Mature welfare states are not expanding. In fact, the theories on the politics of ageing are focused on how welfare states are retrenching or reforming, as they call it. Blame avoidance and blame buffering are the most common explanations for decisions, often counterproductive ones, about how to recalibrate welfare states in the face of ageing.


Author(s):  
Yulia I. Raynik ◽  
Hans-Helmut König ◽  
André Hajek

Background: The question of whether employees’ sickness absence from the workplace depends on personality has been researched. Existing evidence mostly stems from cross-sectional studies, mainly showing that personality factors were not associated with the number of sick leave days, except for neuroticism, which was positively associated with sick leave days. Based on the above, it remains an under researched question whether intraindividual changes in personality factors are associated with changes in sick leave days. Thus, based on a nationally representative sample, the current study aimed to investigate the relationship between personality factors and sick leave days longitudinally based on a nationally representative sample of individuals in Germany. Methods: The present study used data from the German Socio-Economic Panel (GSOEP), a longitudinal survey of private households in Germany. Information from the years 2005, 2009, 2013 were used. The Big Five Inventory-GSOEP (BFI-S) was used to measure personality. Sick leave days in the preceding year were recorded. Poisson fixed effects regressions were used. Results: Adjusting for potential confounders, regressions showed that increases in neuroticism were associated with increased sick leave days. The longitudinal association between extraversion and sick leave days was marginally significant (p < 0.10). Other personality factors were not significantly associated with sick leave days. In addition, sick leave days increased with worsening self-rated health, presence of severe disability and increasing age. Conclusions: The findings of the current study highlight the association between neuroticism and sick leave days longitudinally. Further research is required to elucidate the underlying mechanisms.


2013 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-77 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sara R. Jaffee ◽  
Caitlin McPherran Lombardi ◽  
Rebekah Levine Coley

AbstractMarried men engage in significantly less antisocial behavior than unmarried men, but it is not clear whether this reflects a causal relationship. Instead, the relationship could reflect selection into marriage whereby the men who are most likely to marry (men in steady employment with high levels of education) are the least likely to engage in antisocial behavior. The relationship could also be the result of reverse causation, whereby high levels of antisocial behavior are a deterrent to marriage rather than the reverse. Both of these alternative processes are consistent with the possibility that some men have a genetically based proclivity to become married, known as an active genotype–environment correlation. Using four complementary methods, we tested the hypothesis that marriage limits men's antisocial behavior. These approaches have different strengths and weaknesses and collectively help to rule out alternative explanations, including active genotype–environment correlations, for a causal association between marriage and men's antisocial behavior. Data were drawn from the in-home interview sample of the National Longitudinal Study of Adolescent Health, a large, longitudinal survey study of a nationally representative sample of adolescents in the United States. Lagged negative binomial and logistic regression and propensity score matching models (n = 2,250), fixed-effects models of within-individual change (n = 3,061), and random-effects models of sibling differences (n = 618) all showed that married men engaged in significantly less antisocial behavior than unmarried men. Our findings replicate results from other quasiexperimental studies of marriage and men's antisocial behavior and extend the results to a nationally representative sample of young adults in the United States.


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