BLACK COMMUNITY CONTROL: A STUDY OF TRANSITION IN A TEXAS GHETTO. By Joyce E. Williams. New York: Praeger, 1973. 292 pp. $17.50

Social Forces ◽  
1974 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 367-367
Author(s):  
G. C. Kinloch
1971 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 381-391
Author(s):  
Clayton Hartjen ◽  
Richard Quinney

The scope and nature of social problems are frequently a creation of the various organizations and agencies established to deal with some aspect of community concern. The "educational" and other activities of these groups can be seen as attempts at reality construction. Regarding these efforts, this study examined the kind and effectiveness of drug addiction programs sponsored by social service agencies in New York City's Lower East Side and found them to be wanting. The absence of drug programs and the inability of these agencies to effectively carry out projects of this (and any other) kind appears to be a consequence of the funding structure and the existence of conflict between agencies. It is argued, however, that these agencies can serve as a principal base from which community control over and ultimately any just solution to the drug problem may be initiated.


1977 ◽  
Vol 159 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marilyn Gittell

The demand for community participation in education has resulted in many school systems adopting some form of decentralization. In many cases, this “participation” has been illusory. The decentralization which occurred did not result in increased decision making power being allocated to the community, but rather in merely physically decentralizing the existing school bureaucracy. The current situation in New York City provides a number of insights into what can be expected as school budgets are cut as a result of fewer resources and decreases in school enrollments. The community school boards, which had no input into the collective bargaining process, are now pitted against the professional educational establishment — the Board of Education and the United Federation of Teachers. Both in New York City and elsewhere, those who control the school bureaucracy have excluded the community from playing a significant role in the policy-making process. The governance structure of American education must be changed so that the community will have greater control over its educational institutions. Properly instituted, community control is an instrument of social change. If adequate provision is made for the technical resources to carry out this new role, citizen participation has the potential for providing new insights into our concepts of professionalism and our general theories of educational expertise.


Stirrings ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 26-54
Author(s):  
Lana Dee Povitz

In the late 1960s, at the peak of the Puerto Rican- and Black-led community control movement, United Bronx Parents, an organization of mostly immigrant mothers, launched the city’s first sustained grassroots campaign to improve school lunch. This chapter explores the tenets of community control and the related movement of welfare rights to show how both informed the approach of parent organizers who staged the campaign and challenged New York City’s Board of Education to improve services to school-aged children. The chapter also shows how food became a tool of empowerment: the campaign helped parents move from blaming themselves to having a systemic understanding of their children’s disenfranchisement within a racist public school system. The campaign gave parent organizers the knowledge that they could solve problems more effectively than could school administrators.


Stirrings ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 1-25
Author(s):  
Lana Dee Povitz

Using the conceptual lens of terroir, this chapter provides an overview of hunger and poverty in the United States, starting with the urban liberalism of the 1960s and tracing the onset of austerity politics from mid-1970s through the early 2000s. It shows how New York City food activism was connected to an array of apparently unrelated social movements, including American Communism, community control, the countercultural New Left, feminism, Black Power, and AIDS activism. As governments reduced spending on social programs, leaders from these movements formed nonprofit organizations geared toward providing services, such as emergency meals and low-cost groceries. This chapter offers an overview of why and how service provision came to absorb the attention of late-twentieth century activists and shows how nonprofit kitchens and offices became sites of mentorship. As charismatic, overwhelmingly female leaders passed on values and strategies forged in earlier eras, they enacted activist genealogies that helped sustain political involvement over decades. Powerful interpersonal bonds and people’s own sense of being transformed by their activism illuminate the underappreciated role of emotion in the history of left-progressive movements.


2021 ◽  
pp. 129-166
Author(s):  
Zoë Burkholder

Chapter 4 charts the most contested phase of Black educational activism in the North as support for Black-controlled schools expanded alongside the Black Power movement, concurrent with the growth of court-ordered school desegregation across the urban North. “Community-control” activists, like those in New York City and Newark, New Jersey, saw separation as a rational response to what they viewed as the dismal failure of school integration. They called for community control over administration, curriculum, pedagogy, and hiring in majority Black schools and called for desegregation plans to be halted. Student activists demanded Black history courses, fairer discipline and dress code policies, and more respect for Black culture. Not everyone agreed with this renewed vision of autonomous Black institution-building, especially an older generation of civil rights warriors. Although briefly appealing, community control and Afrocentric curricula did not successfully equalize public education and receded in the early 1970s.


Author(s):  
Lorrin Thomas

Puerto Rican migrants have resided in the United States since before the Spanish-Cuban-American War of 1898, when the United States took possession of the island of Puerto Rico as part of the Treaty of Paris. After the war, groups of Puerto Ricans began migrating to the United States as contract laborers, first to sugarcane plantations in Hawaii, and then to other destinations on the mainland. After the Jones Act of 1917 extended U.S. citizenship to islanders, Puerto Ricans migrated to the United States in larger numbers, establishing their largest base in New York City. Over the course of the 1920s and 1930s, a vibrant and heterogeneous colonia developed there, and Puerto Ricans participated actively both in local politics and in the increasingly contentious politics of their homeland, whose status was indeterminate until it became a commonwealth in 1952. The Puerto Rican community in New York changed dramatically after World War II, accommodating up to fifty thousand new migrants per year during the peak of the “great migration” from the island. Newcomers faced intense discrimination and marginalization in this era, defined by both a Cold War ethos and liberal social scientists’ interest in the “Puerto Rican problem.” Puerto Rican migrant communities in the 1950s and 1960s—now rapidly expanding into the Midwest, especially Chicago, and into New Jersey, Connecticut, and Philadelphia—struggled with inadequate housing and discrimination in the job market. In local schools, Puerto Rican children often faced a lack of accommodation of their need for English language instruction. Most catastrophic for Puerto Rican communities, on the East Coast particularly, was the deindustrialization of the labor market over the course of the 1960s. By the late 1960s, in response to these conditions and spurred by the civil rights, Black Power, and other social movements, young Puerto Ricans began organizing and protesting in large numbers. Their activism combined a radical approach to community organizing with Puerto Rican nationalism and international anti-imperialism. The youth were not the only activists in this era. Parents in New York had initiated, together with their African American neighbors, a “community control” movement that spanned the late 1960s and early 1970s; and many other adult activists pushed the politics of the urban social service sector—the primary institutions in many impoverished Puerto Rican communities—further to the left. By the mid-1970s, urban fiscal crises and the rising conservative backlash in national politics dealt another blow to many Puerto Rican communities in the United States. The Puerto Rican population as a whole was now widely considered part of a national “underclass,” and much of the political energy of Puerto Rican leaders focused on addressing the paucity of both basic material stability and social equality in their communities. Since the 1980s, however, Puerto Ricans have achieved some economic gains, and a growing college-educated middle class has managed to gain more control over the cultural representations of their communities. More recently, the political salience of Puerto Ricans as a group has begun to shift. For the better part of the 20th century, Puerto Ricans in the United States were considered numerically insignificant or politically impotent (or both); but in the last two presidential elections (2008 and 2012), their growing populations in the South, especially in Florida, have drawn attention to their demographic significance and their political sensibilities.


Author(s):  
Jean E. Snyder

This chapter examines how Harry T. Burleigh came to represent African Americans as their premiere baritone and leading composer while also establishing a reputation as an engaged citizen in the first decades of the twentieth century. It first considers Burleigh's active participation in the life of the black community in New York and other cities on the eastern seaboard, lending the weight of his renown to benefit numerous social and educational causes, including efforts to improve the health and general welfare of African Americans. It then discusses Burleigh's connection with the city's black church community, including St. Philip's Episcopal Church and other Episcopal congregations, along with his relationships with Booker T. Washington, Afro-British composer Samuel Coleridge-Taylor, and W. E. B. Du Bois. The chapter also describes Burleigh's position regarding the lynchings and race riots in various parts of the country.


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