The social origins of Christian democracy: rural–urban migration, interest group preemption, and the rise of the Catholic workers’ movement

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Walter

Abstract Despite the importance of Christian democracy for economic and social policies throughout the 20th century, we know very little about the incorporation of labor interests into Catholic parties. Existing accounts claim that the formation of Catholic worker organizations is rooted in the process of industrialization and reforms of Catholic social teachings. In contrast, I argue that the integration of the workers’ wing was dependent on the position of farmers’ and business associations within Catholic parties and the integrative capacities of local religious institutions. The migration of Catholics from peripheral to industrialized areas put pressure on Catholic elites in urban centers to integrate workers via class-based associations. In contrast, entrenched interest groups of farmers and businesses, as well as clerical associations, fend off the creation of workers’ associations in rural regions in which industrialization took place. My argument is supported by newly collected district-level and survey data.

1995 ◽  
Vol 113 (2) ◽  
pp. 742-749 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dalva Marli Valério Wanderley ◽  
Fernando M.A. Corrêa

Chagas' disease is a major public health problem in Latin America. About 16 million persons are affected and 90 million others are exposed to the risk of being infected by the parasite. The knowledge of epidemiological aspects of the disease allowed to delineate the strategies for the control of the disease related with the vectorial transmission. However, these strategies have had no priority in all endemic countries. Rural-urban migration in most endemic areas carried infected individuals to urban centers increasing the problem of Chagas' disease by blood transfusion. In Brazil the control program has reached good results in the last years and in several states the vectorial transmission was controlled. More recently, hemotherapic practices are performed using screening procedures but this practice must be improved in order to eliminate the possibility of Chagas' disease transmission by another ways (congenital, accidental, oral, etc.). An adequate health care to the infected persons must be improved in order to diminish the social costs of the severe cardiopathy which has been responsible for the adults premature deaths.


Author(s):  
Jennifer Phillips

This chapter examines the tradition of Roman Catholic social teachings. Of particular interest and power is Pope Francis’s environmental encyclical, Laudato Si’, which connects and condemns both ecological and economic crises, exposes the weakness of technocratic thought, and offers a theological paradigm to replace it. The chapter also examines the social teachings on flourishing, those doctrines’ pertinence to environmental care, and the Church’s response to the contemporary ecological crisis. Finally, this chapter underscores the Catholic social teachings’ profound connections between poverty and ecological crises, and it pushes that tradition provocatively, in dialogue with non-Catholic environmentalists, to more fully consider animals and gender.


Author(s):  
Mohamed Hilal ◽  
Guy Leedon ◽  
Matthieu Duboys de Labarre ◽  
Federico Antonioli ◽  
Michael Boehm ◽  
...  

AbstractIn this paper, we test to what extent Food Quality Schemes (FQS, including Geographical Indications and organic products) contribute to the social and economic sustainability of farmers and regions through employment and education. Through employment, FQS may counter the urban migration trend affecting rural regions, and help retain economic and social capital in the local region. Indeed, as FQS are often small and specialised sectors, the economic inefficiency of such businesses may translated into greater employment and social sustainability. Separately, by requiring a higher-level of quality and hence skills, FQS may encourage greater local educational attainment or skilled immigration. To test these propositions, we analyse the employment and educational outcomes of 25 FQS. Our results show that the FQS products examined have a 13% higher labour usage (labour-to-production ratio) compared to reference products, indicating that they provide greater employment. Additionally, wage levels are 32% higher in FQS compared to references. Despite providing greater employment and higher wages, profitability of FQS (i.e. how much turnover/profit is generated per employee) is nevertheless 32% higher for FQS compared to reference products, due to the ability to attract higher product prices. Finally, there is no clear link between FQS and greater (or lower) education attainment in the supply chain. Overall, our results suggest that FQS can provide a strong contribution to local employment, employee income and business profits, strengthening the social and economic sustainability of producers and regions.


2015 ◽  
Vol 22 (06) ◽  
pp. 674-682
Author(s):  
Asma Seemi Malik

Movement towards the urban centers of a country has been found to be acommon element in regards to the population dynamics. These dynamics however have asignificant economic, cultural, political and social impact on the lives of not only the migrantsbut also the place of destination. Through this research, it has been studied as to how therural urban movement in Pakistan impacts the social and cultural dimensions of the place ofdestination as well as those of the migrant. Furthermore, this research focused on findings themeasures taken by the government to curb the issues, however has found that the governmentof Pakistan is not taking any notice at all of the issues that exist. There is no long term vision orpolicy, a plan or implementation that would help in keeping the society and cultural of urbanand rural centers segregated.


1970 ◽  
pp. 38-45
Author(s):  
May Abu Jaber

Violence against women (VAW) continues to exist as a pervasive, structural,systematic, and institutionalized violation of women’s basic human rights (UNDivision of Advancement for Women, 2006). It cuts across the boundaries of age, race, class, education, and religion which affect women of all ages and all backgrounds in every corner of the world. Such violence is used to control and subjugate women by instilling a sense of insecurity that keeps them “bound to the home, economically exploited and socially suppressed” (Mathu, 2008, p. 65). It is estimated that one out of every five women worldwide will be abused during her lifetime with rates reaching up to 70 percent in some countries (WHO, 2005). Whether this abuse is perpetrated by the state and its agents, by family members, or even by strangers, VAW is closely related to the regulation of sexuality in a gender specific (patriarchal) manner. This regulation is, on the one hand, maintained through the implementation of strict cultural, communal, and religious norms, and on the other hand, through particular legal measures that sustain these norms. Therefore, religious institutions, the media, the family/tribe, cultural networks, and the legal system continually disciplinewomen’s sexuality and punish those women (and in some instances men) who have transgressed or allegedly contravened the social boundaries of ‘appropriateness’ as delineated by each society. Such women/men may include lesbians/gays, women who appear ‘too masculine’ or men who appear ‘too feminine,’ women who try to exercise their rights freely or men who do not assert their rights as ‘real men’ should, women/men who have been sexually assaulted or raped, and women/men who challenge male/older male authority.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeffrey H. Cohen ◽  
Bernardo Rios ◽  
Lise Byars

Rural Oaxacan migrants are defined as quintessential transnational movers, people who access rich social networks as they move between rural hometowns in southern Mexico and the urban centers of southern California.  The social and cultural ties that characterize Oaxacan movers are critical to successful migrations, lead to jobs and create a sense of belonging and shared identity.  Nevertheless, migration has socio-cultural, economic and psychological costs.  To move the discussion away from a framework that emphasizes the positive transnational qualities of movement we focus on the costs of migration for Oaxacans from the state’s central valleys and Sierra regions.   


Author(s):  
Walter Rech

This chapter examines and contextualizes Sayyid Qutb’s doctrine of property and social justice, which he articulated at a time of deep social conflicts in Egypt. The chapter describes how Qutb, along with other writers concerned with economic inequality in the 1920s–40s such as Hasan al-Banna (1906–1949) and Abd al-Razzaq al-Sanhuri (1895–1971), conceptualised private ownership as a form of power that must be limited by religious obligations and subordinated to the public good. The chapter further shows that Qutb made this notion of restrained property central to a broader theory of social justice and wealth redistribution by combining the social teachings of the Qur’an with the modern ideal of the centralized interventionist state. Arguably this endeavour to revitalise the Quranic roots of Islamic charity and simultaneously appropriate the discourse of modern statehood made Qutb’s position oscillate between legalism and anti-legalism.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 59-82
Author(s):  
Laura A. M. Stewart

AbstractHistorians are generally agreed that Scotland’s limited military capability was transformed after 1639, when expatriate mercenaries, with experience of Continental European conflicts, returned home to take part in the wars against Charles I. There has been less interest in how the creation of centrally-coordinated standing forces affected Scottish society. This article focuses on the experiences of Scotland’s burghs, where traditional military practices remained a feature of civic life, at least in the larger urban centers, during the early decades of the seventeenth century. These practices informed the way in which burghs responded to the call to arms from 1639. Despite tensions with landed neighbors, burghs were not wholly subsumed into the shires and they retained a measure of their distinctiveness as military units. Burghal autonomy was severely tested from the mid-sixteen-forties, not only by the demands of central government but also by the physical presence of soldiers in the midst of the urban community. This essay will explore the strategies employed by civic leaders to protect the community from violence and exploitation, while also maintaining their own authority and status. It will be tentatively suggested here that the social and political structures of civic life proved surprisingly resilient under the unprecedented pressures placed upon them during the sixteen-forties.


2021 ◽  
pp. 026540752110514
Author(s):  
Einat Lavee ◽  
Tal Meler ◽  
Madlen Shamshoum

The objective of this study is to broaden understanding of how vulnerability is shaped more by social, cultural, and religious institutions than by individual life circumstances, exploring the case of Palestinian-Israeli single mothers’ relationships with men. Research often determines the vulnerability of a group, such as women migrants from an ethnic minority, by specific demographic characteristics. This common assumption has been challenged by calls to understand vulnerability as social processes intersecting with the action of the state and other social institutions. The study provides a nuanced examination of the social processes through which Palestinian-Israeli single mothers are simultaneously forbidden from and coerced into having relationships with men, drawing on a systematic analysis of data from semi-structured, in-depth interviews of 36 Palestinian-Israeli single mothers. The analysis exposed several mechanisms which forbid single mothers from having relationships with men, alongside mechanisms that permit, often even coerce, such relationships. These mechanisms are embedded in interrelated structural factors—massive differences in gender power relations, vast gender economic disparities, inability of most single mothers to support their families independently, and state policy of non-intervention in domestic affairs of ethnic minorities, and create a state of “dangerous vulnerability.”


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