Parties in Elections, Parties in Government, and Partisan Bias

2005 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 113-138 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Krehbiel ◽  
Adam Meirowitz ◽  
Thomas Romer

Political parties are active when citizens choose among candidates in elections and when winning candidates choose among policy alternatives in government. But the inextricably linked institutions, incentives, and behavior that determine these multistage choices are substantively complex and analytically unwieldy, particularly if modeled explicitly and considered in total, from citizen preferences through government outcomes. To strike a balance between complexity and tractability, we modify standard spatial models of electoral competition and governmental policy-making to study how components of partisanship—such as candidate platform separation in elections, party ID-based voting, national partisan tides, and party-disciplined behavior in the legislature—are related to policy outcomes. We define partisan bias as the distance between the following two points in a conventional choice space: the ideal point of the median voter in the median legislative district and the policy outcome selected by the elected legislature. The study reveals that none of the party-in-electorate conditions is capable of producing partisan bias independently. Specified combinations of conditions, however, can significantly increase the bias and/or the variance of policy outcomes, sometimes in subtle ways.

2017 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maria Tyrberg ◽  
Carl Dahlström

While anti-immigrant parties have been electorally successful in European parliaments, it is still unclear whether they have influenced policies. This article contributes by investigating the anti-immigrant party policy impact on a previously unexplored welfare policy area, that concerning the mobility of vulnerable European Union/European Economic Area citizens. In Sweden, the aid offered to these citizens varies a great deal in different municipalities. Furthermore, the largest anti-immigrant party (Sweden Democrats) has, unlike the mainstream political parties, preferences for a strict policy in line with so-called welfare chauvinism. Taking advantage of this subnational variation, our data give us a unique opportunity to investigate whether anti-immigrant party representation impacts welfare policy outcomes. The empirical findings show a negative correlation between Sweden Democrats’ representation and the aid offered and indicates that municipalities where Sweden Democrats holds a pivotal position offer less aid to vulnerable European Union/European Economic Area citizens. The hypothesis that these effects are conditional upon the ideology of the ruling coalition is, however, not supported.


2014 ◽  
Vol 108 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-296 ◽  
Author(s):  
SEOK-JU CHO

This article studies the consequences of strategic voting by outcome-oriented voters in elections under proportional representation (PR). I develop a model of elections under PR, in which voters choose among an arbitrary finite number of parties, and the policy outcome is determined in a postelection bargaining stage. I use a new solution concept, robust equilibrium, which greatly mitigates the well-known problem of indeterminate predictions in multicandidate competition. Applying the equilibrium concept to the model, I find that PR promotes representation of small parties in general, even when voters are strategic. However, the median voter plays a critical role in shaping policy outcomes, which reflects the majoritarian nature of parliamentary policy making rules. Thus, PR may not be incompatible with the majoritarian vision of representative democracy if voters’ main concern is policy outcomes.


2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel M. Kselman ◽  
Eleanor Neff Powell ◽  
Joshua A. Tucker

This paper develops a novel argument as to the conditions under which new political parties will form in democratic states. Our approach hinges on the manner in which politicians evaluate the policy implications of new party entry alongside considerations of incumbency for its own sake. We demonstrate that if candidates care sufficiently about policy outcomes, then the likelihood of party entry shouldincreasewith the effective number of status quo parties in the party system. This relationship weakens, and eventually disappears, as politicians’ emphasis on “office-seeking” motivations increases relative to their interest in public policy. We test these predictions with both aggregate electoral data in contemporary Europe and a data set on legislative volatility in Turkey, uncovering support for the argument that party system fragmentation should positively affect the likelihood of entry when policy-seeking motivations are relevant, but not otherwise.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Kubinec ◽  
Sharan Grewal

Is power-sharing an effective way for endangered transitional democracies to reduce political tensions and improve government performance? We provide one of the first quantitative tests of this question in Tunisia, the Arab Spring's only success story. We argue that power-sharing may reduce polarization for a limited time, but at the cost of undermining democratic institutions. To measure polarization, we examine all rollcall votes from Tunisia's first and second post-transition parliaments. We employ a time-varying ideal point model and examine whether power-sharing agreements led to convergence in political parties' ideal points. Our analysis reveals that Tunisia's national unity government in 2015 temporarily moderated political tensions and allowed for parliamentary activity to resume. However, despite a broadening of the coalition in mid-2016, polarization reemerged and crucial legislation stalled. Moreover, longitudinal survey data suggest that the failure of power-sharing in Tunisia contributed to disillusionment with political parties, parliament, and democracy.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 213
Author(s):  
Atin Fitriana

<p>The Javanese culture has a specific perspective on the ideal figure of women. This perspective is generally manifested in the classical texts, for example, in Serat Wulang Putri Adisara. Written by Nyi Adisara. Serat Wulang Putri contains the teachings for royal daughters in living their life as Javanese women based on Javanese teachings. In this manuscript, the readers can see the women figure portrayed from the perspective of a woman writer. This paper discusses the ideal women’s discourse in Serat Wulang Putri using the approach of critical discourse analysis from van Dijk. The analysis is conducted by considering the text’s microstructure, macrostructure, and cultural context. Through the analysis, we can see the ideal discourse of Javanese women based on Serat Wulang Putri. Furthermore, the text discusses women as figures who must pay attention to their attitudes and behavior, and can control their hearts, minds, and feelings. In this case, the author uses the male point of view to describe the characteristics of ideal Javanese women. Javanese women are also described as a weak figure and must obey what men command or expect from them.</p>


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea De Angelis

Voters’ ability to perceive political parties’ positions on policy scales is a precondition for a functioning and responsive electoral democracy. Appropriate measures of policy distance are thus key to addressing the link between political parties and the citizens. This chapter reviews the scholarship on ideal point estimation, identifying the main methodological and substantial implications for empirical studies involving issue scales. Next, the chapter applies two-stage Bayesian Aldrich-McKelvey scaling to European Election Studies data to find evidence of systematic perceptual distortions: right-wing voters perceive political parties as more progressive than they actually are, while knowledgeable voters perceive greater differences between parties. Perceptual bias is also shown to correlate with standard polarization measures based on perceived party positions.


Author(s):  
Yuqiao Yang ◽  
Xiaoqiang Lin ◽  
Geng Lin ◽  
Zengfeng Huang ◽  
Changjian Jiang ◽  
...  

In this paper, we explore to learn representations of legislation and legislator for the prediction of roll call results. The most popular approach for this topic is named the ideal point model that relies on historical voting information for representation learning of legislators. It largely ignores the context information of the legislative data. We, therefore, propose to incorporate context information to learn dense representations for both legislators and legislation. For legislators, we incorporate relations among them via graph convolutional neural networks (GCN) for their representation learning. For legislation, we utilize its narrative description via recurrent neural networks (RNN) for representation learning. In order to align two kinds of representations in the same vector space, we introduce a triplet loss for the joint training. Experimental results on a self-constructed dataset show the effectiveness of our model for roll call results prediction compared to some state-of-the-art baselines.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 168
Author(s):  
Larossa Bilquis ◽  
Nurul Hidayat

This study aims to uncover how the masculinity discourse of young immigrants in Uluwatu Bali (basecamp) exists. By using Foucault's Genaology, the insights and values they adopt one by one must be dismantled to see what logic they are constructs. This research using qualitative method with fenomenology approach, which used foucoult framework abour sex and power. It can be said, in this research found various discourses reproduced by various sources of youth knowledge regarding the myth of masculinity which is identical to the characteristics and behavior of men who are strong, aggressive, dominant, rude, and full of egoism. In practice, they myth that their various behaviors, especially regarding their sexuality, are a manifestation of their masculinity as a male. The internet or online media and the environment in which they live are one of the sources of knowledge for young people that create discourses about the myth of masculinity. The youth in the peer group also take part in formulating discourses about ideal masculinity for their group. Free sex behavior, dare to take risks, follow wild races to cause chaos are the masculinity myths they adopt as the ideal male masculinity. This study also found that the masculinity myth was more often represented in youth sexual practices as an affirmation of control over women's bodies and sexuality in order to maintain their reputation in front of their friends and others. Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk membongkar bagaimana hadirnya diskursus maskulinitas pemuda pendatang di uluwatu Bali (basecamp). Dengan menggunakan Genaologi Foucault, pemahaman dan nilai yang mereka adopsi satu per satu harus dibongkar untuk melihat logika apa yang sebenarnya mereka bangun. Sehingga dapat ditemukan berbagai wacana yang direproduksi oleh berbagai sumber pengetahuan pemuda mengenai mitos maskulinitas diamana identik dengan sifat dan perilaku laki-laki kuat, agresif, dominatif, kasar, dan penuh egoisme. Dalam praktiknya mereka memitoskan beragam perilakunya terutama menyangkut seksualitasnya merupakan manifestasi dari maskulinitasnya sebagai laki-laki yang jantan. Internet atau media online serta lingkungan tempat tinggal mereka menjadi salah satu sumber pengetahuan pemuda yang menciptakan diskursus mengenai mitos maskulinitas tersebut. Para pemuda dalam peer groupnya juga mengambil bagian dalam merumuskan wacana-wacana mengenai maskulinitas ideal bagi kelompoknya. Perilaku seks bebas, berani mengambil resiko, mengikuti balap liar hingga menyebabkan keonaran merupakan mitos-mitos maskulinitas yang mereka adopsi sebagai maskulinitas laki-laki ideal. Penelitian ini juga menemukan jika mitos maskulinitas tersebut lebih banyak direpresentasikan kedalam praktik-praktik seksual pemuda sebagai penegasan atas penguasaan tubuh dan seksualitas perempuan demi mempertahankan reputasinya di hadapan teman-temannya dan orang lain.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 197-224
Author(s):  
Habrun Habrun

Islamic education in the family means education provided by members of the family, especially parents, to their children in the family environment to form the child's personality in order to be a muslim in which the attitude and behavior is in accordance with the teachings of Islam. The motivation of parent’s devotion in educating their children is solely for the sake of natural love, so, in this atmosphere of love, the process of education takes place well since the child is dependent to the family. Urgency of Islamic education in the family in building children’s noble character is the realization of the ideal human; intelligent and fear Allah SWT. إن التربية الإسلامية في الأسرة هي التربية التي يقوم بها أعضاء الأسرة خاصة الوالدين لأولادهما في وسط الأسرة لبناء السلوك حتى يكون الولد مسلما يتخلق بأخلاق تتفق مع تعاليم الإسلام. وحافز الأسرة في تربية الأولاد مؤسسة على الحب الفطري، فمن ظلال هذا الحب الفطري تجري عملية التربية بصورة جيدة في خلال سن الولد الذي يكون تحت مسؤولية الأسرة . وتكمن أهمية التربية الإسلامية في الأسرة لبناء الأخلاق الكريمة في تحقيق الشخصية المثالية، وهي الإنسان الذي يتقي الله سبحانه وتعالى وذكي. مفتاح الكلمات: التربية الإسلامية، الأسرة، الأخلاق الكريمة. Pendidikan Islam dalam keluarga yaitu pendidikan yang diberikan anggota kelurga terutama orang tua kepada anaknya dalam lingkungan keluarga itu sendiri untuk membentuk kepribadian anak menjadi muslim dengan adanya perubahan sikap dan tingkah laku yang sesuai dengan ajaran Islam. Motivasi pengabdian keluarga (ayah-ibu) dalam mendidik anak-anaknya semata-mata demi cinta kasih yang kodrati, sehingga dalam suasana cinta kasih dan kemesraan inilah proses pendidikan ini berlangsung dengan baik seumur anak dalam tanggungan utama keluarga. Urgensi Pendidikan Islam di lingkungan keluarga dalam pembinaan akhlak mulia anak adalah terwujudnya manusia yang ideal, yaitu anak yang bertakwa kepada Allah SWT. dan cerdas.


2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (5) ◽  
pp. 519-532
Author(s):  
Stephanie Pedron

This paper examines historic federal immigration policies that demonstrate how the United States has rendered entire groups of people living inside and outside of its territory as outsiders. Collective representations like the Statue of Liberty suggest that the U.S. is a nation that welcomes all immigrants, when in reality, the U.S. has historically functioned as a “gatekeeper” that excludes specific groups of people at different times. The concurrent existence of disparate beliefs within a society’s collective consciousness influences the public’s views toward citizenship and results in policy outcomes that contrast sharply from the ideal values that many collective representations signify. As restrictive immigration controls are refined, insight into how immigrant exclusion via federal policy has evolved is necessary to minimize future legislative consequences that have the potential to ostracize current and future Americans.


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