The dream of a völkisch colonial empire: international law and colonial law during the National Socialist era

2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 343-369
Author(s):  
Felix Lange
Legal Studies ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-303
Author(s):  
Andrew J. Cunningham

‘The National Socialist rulers of Germany invented new ways of controlling the policy and action of other countries without subjecting them to a formal military occupation, and some day it may be necessary for our courts to consider whether conduct equivalent to the German practice of establishing complete and effective domination over professedly neutral countries by insinuating agents and specialist troops into key positions, while permitting their governments nominally to continue to exercise their functions, as a prelude to plunging them into war, amounts to enemy occupation or not’


2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Georg Plasger

Abstract The German Reformed tradition between 1900 and 1930 has received little interest. Much more attention has been given to the Reformed churches during the National Socialist era and on acknowledging the massive influence of Karl Barth. The article gives an overview of the minority denomination of the Reformed confession in Germany. On the one hand we see that the Reformierte Bund, founded in 1884, breaks up during the Calvin jubilee of 1909. On the other hand, the crisis after World War I brought further difficulties. In the nineteen-twenties, a discussion grew about the function of the Reformed Confessions—are they to be kept intact and normative (so the Young Reformed line) or should they function to sift and sort out what is needed in each era and location (so Karl Barth)?


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 136
Author(s):  
Murad Karasoy

It is understood that the education’s being brought under the control of government and educational activities carried out under the name of character and race unity education were tools for the destruction of the individual and masses during the national socialist era in Germany. For this reason, the state’s monopolizing and more or less intervening in moral education can be regarded as a fascist act. The connection of altruism with race and the fact that race consciousness has aspects supporting the idealism have been abused by the fascist education. The fact that the individuals were directed to race by being impregnated with the sense of altruism showed how the two basic principles of national socialist education complemented each other. On the one hand, the individual was taught how to be altruistic, on the other hand, the superiority, holiness and supremacy of race were romanticized, and the infrastructure of the reason for the necessity of being altruistic was instilled on their mind.This study, which was made by reviewing the documents of Hitler (1938), Kubizek (1954), Schirach (1967), Gay (1968), Fest (1970 and 1973), Noakes (1971), Giles (1985), Domarus (1990), Burleigh and Wippermann (1991) and Canetti (2014), not only shows the fact that the character and race unity education that Nazis gave in schools wasn’t compatible with universal principles, but also the fact that the number of children in school age who died during the World War II reached a half million teaches how to act against the negative success of the fascist education that is focused on destruction.


1938 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 704-718 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virginia L. Gott

Despite a rather wide range of disagreement among National Socialist writers, a general, characteristic National Socialist theory of international law is definitely discernible. Hans Helmut Dietze is perhaps the most representative and certainly among the most thoroughly National Socialist writers on this subject. Helmut Nicolai, Ernst Wolgast, Norbert Gürke, Herbert Kraus, and G. A. Walz may be considered as ranking next in importance from the point of view of expounding the most typical National Socialist doctrines in the field of international law. The words and deeds of the Fuhrer have formed, of course, the basis upon which these doctrines stand. Although the utterances as well as the actions of Hitler have not always been consistent (this is obvious in any comparison of Mein Kampf with his speeches as Reichskanzler), this fact does not seem greatly to have hindered the formulation of an international legal theory, but then this theory itself may appear to many, when viewed objectively, as likewise inconsistent. However, just as it is possible to dismiss certain statements of Hitler as embodying words coined more for tactical purposes and not sincerely in line with National Socialist ideology, so it is possible to see through many of the inconsistencies in the National Socialist theories on international law and obtain the real volklich-nationale point of view.


2006 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 281-298 ◽  
Author(s):  
DUNCAN S. A. BELL

This essay surveys recent scholarly work on the political theory of empire and international relations in Britain during the long nineteenth century. It traces the dominant themes and arguments to be found, points to some interpretative and methodological weaknesses, and highlights a number of topics that remain to be explored in detail. I focus on the following: the relationship between liberalism and empire and, in particular, the role played by the idea of civilization in circumscribing liberal claims to universality; the nature and evolution of international law, and the key role that jurisprudential thought played in shaping conceptions of civilization and setting the bounds of legitimacy for imperialism; the vexed relationship between the history of imperial thought and cultural/political history; and the important, though frequently marginalized, role of the colonial empire in the Victorian imperial imagination. Finally, I suggest that areas that remain to be explored in depth include non-liberal visions of international affairs; the role of theology in shaping conceptions of global order; and the balance between the United States, Europe, and the various (and very different) elements of the empire.


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