Friendship, politics, and literature in Catullus: poems 1, 65 and 66, 116

1997 ◽  
Vol 47 (2) ◽  
pp. 482-500 ◽  
Author(s):  
W. Jeffrey Tatum

To the extent that one subscribes to the proposition, by now a virtual principle of criticism (at least in some circles), that literary texts constitute sites for the negotiation, often vigorous, of power relations within a society, the reader of Catullus can hardly avoid some consideration of the poet's attitude toward contemporary political matters. It is a subject on which two principal lines of thought can be traced. Mommsen argued that Catullus responded to the enormities that followed the reinvigoration of the First Triumvirate at the conference of Luca in 56 by occupying a thoroughly optimate position. Wilamowitz, on the other hand, insisted that Catullus' lyrics reflect only moments of the author's individual experience, amongst which expressions of personal distaste for certain public figures naturally appear but nothing which can appropriately be taken as indications of a political stance. The approach of Wilamowitz has proved more influential, followed in spirit if not in specifics by numerous commentators. To the degree that Catullus has been assimilated to the Augustan elegists, whose poems have been deemed by a scholar of the stature of Veyne to be anti-political in nature, it has been all the easier to reject the idea that Catullus adopts a political position, an assessment strongly maintained in a recent study by Paul Allen Miller, for whom the rejection of all political engagement is the sine qua non of true lyric poetry. Mommsen's optimate Catullus has lately found his champion, however, in a careful article by H. P. Syndikus. Although Miller and Syndikus, like Wilamowitz and Mommsen, draw diametrically opposed conclusions concerning politics in Catullus' poetry, they are agreed nevertheless that politics can be regarded as a relatively straightforward term: it refers to statecraft, matters of government, and party strife. Other readers, however, have been more self-conscious in their theoretical concerns, a salutary consequence of which has been a shift by some to a less narrow conception of the field of reference appropriate to discussions of ‘the political’ in Latin literature.

1980 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 356-372 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce Macbain

The purpose of this paper is to reconsider the principal lines of approach which have been taken to the career of Appius Claudius Caecus in the hope of formulating a view of the censor which is neither over-dramatized nor, on the other hand, so muted as to deny recognition to those aspects of his political behaviou which so greatly exercised his contemporaries. In so doing, I will argue that previous studies of Appius' career have sought in the wrong places for an explanation of the political rivalry between him and his opponents and I will offer an interpretation of his censorial acts—and of one of them in particular—which, I believe, may account for this rivalry.


1987 ◽  
Vol 21 (4) ◽  
pp. 667-678
Author(s):  
Ian Nish

As Britain saw it, trade was not the prime motivating force for Russian expansion in east Asia or, put another way, the Russian frontiersmen were not driven by the actual amount of their trade there or its future potentialities. While Russia was primarily concerned with the tea trade over land frontiers, Britain was concerned with the seaborne commerce of China. The customs revenue paid to China in the year 1894 worked out as follows:Judging from the returns of the Chinese Imperial Maritime Customs Organization, British ships carried 83.5% of China's total trade. But Britain's commercial dominance affected her political stance because she wanted to preserve China's stability for most of the second half of the nineteenth century. This was at the root of the political tensions between Britain and Russia which emerged in China after 1860 and especially those which derived from the spate of railway building which took place from 1890 onwards. It would be foolish to deny that intense rivalry did exist in the area from time to time or that detailed observations of the actions of the one were regularly conducted by the other—what we should now call ‘intelligence operations’. But what I shall suggest in this paper is that, despite all the admitted antagonism and suspicion between Britain and Russia in east Asia, Britain regularly made efforts to reach accommodations with Russia in north-east Asia.


Pólemos ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 333-354
Author(s):  
Sidia Fiorato

Abstract Bram Stoker’s Dracula presents an investigation of identity from multiple perspectives: the political stance of the Victorian fin de siècle intersects with questions of identity and their liminal articulation through narrative control. The count becomes a “thick” synecdoche for the East and his arrival to England symbolises a reverse political and cultural colonisation that leads to a new image of the individual, revealing the innermost recesses of Western culture.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 566
Author(s):  
Seyed Ehsan Golshan ◽  
Mohammad Reza Falahati Qadimi Fumani

Translation shift especially within UN texts is a new area of interest in the field of translation studies. The concept uses linguistic translation as a tool or metaphor in analyzing the nature of transformation and interchange in the political text. The main objective of the present study was to study translation shifts in non-literary texts – those from the UN documents. The study intended to compare strategy application in translation of shifts by Pekkanen (2010), extracted from three UN documents, between two English-Persian dictionaries (one by Khiyabani (2013) and the other one by Aryanpoor (2006)). The contraction strategy was the most frequent strategy applied by Khiyabani (85 times, 56.7%) and the least frequent strategy was shift in order (11 times, 7.3%). The expansion strategy was the most frequent strategy applied by Aryanpoor (66 times, 44%) and the least frequent strategy was shift in order (6 times, 4%). The findings of the present study were in line with those reported by Pekkanen (2010). The two translators were not significantly different with regard to application of miscellaneous and shift in order strategies and were significantly different with regard to application of contraction and expansion strategies. The results obtained in this thesis could in general be useful for students of translation, instructors and university professors, syllabus designers, freelancers, book compilers and all those who are involved in one way or another in translation issues.


Author(s):  
Isabel Gonçalves Viola

This paper aims to verify how impoliteness is co-constructed in interactions within an institutional context, more specifically in the communicative situation of parliamentary debate, of an agonal nature. It is intended, therefore, to analyse the procedures that fall within the discourse register of verbal violence and in the category of insult. On the other hand, there is the purpose to study the role of emotions, namely the expression of indignation in argumentation, through the analysis of rhetorical and argumentative procedures in excerpts of controversial interactions of the political discourse subgenre in parliamentary debate, between 2009 and 2012. This analysis is part of the discourse analysis framework, particularly in the analysis of the parliamentary discourse (Ilie, 2010; Marques, 2008), specifically with regard to the “unparliamentarily language” (Ilie, 2004), and integrates theoretical contributions of the argumentation in the discourse (Amossy 2016 [2000], 2014; Plantin 2011), with particular emphasis on the emotionalization of the arguments (Micheli, 2013, 2014). This analysis will also include a number of concepts reformulated by Kerbrat-Orecchioni (1992, 1996), which concern face-work (Goffman, 1974) and face threatening acts (FTAs - Face Threatening Acts), as well as the concept of impoliteness (Culpeper 2011). The linguistic-discursive strategies used in the construction of the dissent will be analysed from a theoretical perspective of verbal violence, according to the works of Auger et al. (2008), with particular emphasis on the offensive illocutionary acts. It appears that the purpose of verbal confrontation is not to reach consensus, but rather to express disagreement and to mark a political position. Not infrequently, however, the intention of those involved in the conflictual discourse goes beyond that of refuting a contrary thesis (and demonstrating that of your party). Instead, it aims at the disqualification and ridicule of the adversary by mobilizing aggressive and destructive verbal acts, mainly associated to an escalation of emotional tension, with the purpose of building a certain political ethos (Charaudeau 2014 [2005]).


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 41-47
Author(s):  
I Wayan Nuriarta ◽  
Ni Wayan Masyuni Sujayanthi

The general purpose of this study is to increase knowledge in the form of academic studies of the 2019 Jawa Pos newspaper political cartoon, and its specific purpose is to describe the denotation, connotation, myth and visual ideology of the Sunday edition of the Jawa Pos newspaper political cartoon in the sketch rubric. This study used a qualitative design. Everything related to the 2019 Jawa Pos newspaper political cartoon will be described qualitatively. The qualitative step taken was to collect, filter and analyze data to produce descriptive data in the form of words and notes related to its meaning. The research sample is the political cartoon of the January 13 and March 10 2019 edition of the Jawa Pos Newspaper. The results showed that visually, politicians occupy the top position in the drawing room. The size of the depiction was made much larger than that of the other public figures. Meanwhile, voter community figures were depicted as occupying a space position at the bottom. The depiction only showed half of the body, namely from the head to the waist. The meaning that is born from each image is determined in part by the meanings of other texts which appear to be the same. This is what is called intertextuality. Cartoonists and readers have carefully gathered various texts on politicians and voters to see the power of ideology with the intertextuality of various other texts / images. 


Author(s):  
Marion Froger

Dans ses deux premiers films, Rabah Ameur-Zaïmeche interprète un personnage qui, ayant écopé de la « double peine », finit par perdre sa place dans un aller et retour sans issue, entre son village algérien d’origine qui le rejette (Bled number One) et la France qui l’expulse puis le traque à son retour (Wesh wesh qu’est-ce qui se passe ?). À ce destin qui s’avère borné par la folie, d’un côté de la Méditerranée, ou par la mort de l’autre, le cinéaste oppose la créativité de ses propres collectifs de production, dont il laisse volontairement des traces dans chacun de ses films. Il entend ainsi, malgré tout, réinvestir, par le désir de groupe, le champ du politique, et par l’invention de formes cinématographiques, ne pas exclure le spectateur d’un sentiment de solidarité et de fraternité désancré de ses bases strictement communautaires. Adossé à la réalité vécue par une génération issue de l’immigration algérienne, née ou ayant grandi en France après l’indépendance de l’Algérie, le cinéma de Rabah Ameur-Zaimèche évoque les ambivalences de l’expérience groupale de ceux qui vont et viennent avec constance et intensité d’une rive à l’autre de leurs désirs d’appartenance et d’engagement. In his two first movies, Rabah Ameur-Zaïmeche plays a character who, subject to legal “double jeopardy”, finds himself lost in an inescapable back and forth between his native Algerian village, which rejects him, (Bled number One) and France, which expels him and then, upon his return, hunts him down (Wesh wesh qu’est-ce qui se passe ?). Against this fate, which ends in madness on one side of the Mediterranean or death on the other, Rabah Ameur-Zaïmeche sets the creativity of his production teams, traces of whose work remains in each of his films. Despite everything, the filmmaker looks to reinvest the political field with collective desire, and, through the use of inventive cinematic forms, insures that the spectator is allowed to partake of the feelings of solidarity and fraternity unmoored from strictly communitarian foundations. Drawing on the lived reality of a generation of people who were born or grew up in France after Algeria’s Independence, Rabah Ameur-Zaïmeche’s work evokes the ambivalences of those who move, with regularity and intensity, between both shores of their desire for belonging and political engagement.


2015 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 235
Author(s):  
Ernesto Ganuza Fernández ◽  
Francisco José Francés García

Questioning the social spiral deriving from participation has flared up the debate regarding the place it occupies in contemporary democracies. It does not seem possible to deny the evidence that many studies have pointed to regarding the political attitudes associated with institutionalised participation (associations). But we question in this study the fact that the whole participation phenomenon is equated with that type of participation. Our paper compares different ways of participation in a sample of European countries to, first, analyse the activities that can be linked to each form of participation and whether it can be held that they are different from the point of view of the individual. Second, we analyse the attitudes that lead individuals to choose one option over the other. We conclude that for individuals the different forms of participation are different forms of political engagement. Our study shows an evolution in non-institutional forms of participation over time that is difficult to ignore, from being expressions bordering illegality to taking them as normalised tools for citizens. We could now start to consider them from the point of view of the implications they have for democracy as a different way to exercise political influence.


PMLA ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 130 (2) ◽  
pp. 384-392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hayrettidn Yücesoy

This essay aims to contribute to current studies of language and empire by considering arabic and persian in the ninth and tenth centuries. Following the lead of Edward Said on colonial empires and translation, I focus on the political aspects of language and translation in “premodern” trans-Asian societies, which have not received the nuanced attention they deserve. Accentuating the act of adopting and supporting a language as political, I argue that the wax and wane of imperial languages were predicated on two usually simultaneous dynamics: intra-imperial interests and, to use Laura Doyle's term, inter-imperial competition. Imperial patronage aimed, on the one hand, to consolidate power, exercise control, stabilize administration, and order lived reality for imperial subjects and, on the other hand, to create a discourse to fashion and project an image of rule capable of competing with rival claims in Afro-Eurasia. On both fronts, the promotion of one vernacular as “high language” entailed resisting another one in an already filled political, sociocultural, and linguistic space. The new language thus proceeded in an intrusive and even disruptive way since it involved a construction of new meanings to conform to alternative sociopolitical and cultural norms and priorities and to tame the multiplicity of language. Yet, such a political engagement or competition with existing language(s) and discourse(s) also led to new forms of hybridity of language and discourse, as was the case for Persian when the Samanids (819-999) adopted the script of the Arabic language and much of its vocabulary and idioms to express their thoughts.


CounterText ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 98-113
Author(s):  
Shaobo Xie

The paper celebrates the publication of Ranjan Ghosh and J. Hillis Miller's Thinking Literature across Continents as a significant event in the age of neoliberalism. It argues that, in spite of the different premises and the resulting interpretative procedures respectively championed by the two co-authors, both of them anchor their readings of literary texts in a concept of literature that is diametrically opposed to neoliberal rationality, and both impassionedly safeguard human values and experiences that resist the technologisation and marketisation of the humanities and aesthetic education. While Ghosh's readings of literature offer lightning flashes of thought from the outside of the Western tradition, signalling a new culture of reading as well as a new manner of appreciation of the other, Miller dedicatedly speaks and thinks against the hegemony of neoliberal reason, opening our eyes to the kind of change our teaching or reading of literature can trigger in the world, and the role aesthetic education should and can play at a time when the humanities are considered ‘a lost cause’.


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