A Markov chain analysis of the dynamics of homophily

Author(s):  
Katerine Guerrero ◽  
Jorge Finke

Abstract Many networks are made up of different nodes types, which are determined by a set of common quantitative or qualitative node properties. Understanding the effects of homophilic relationships, that is, the tendency of nodes to establish links to other nodes that are alike, requires formal frameworks that explain how local decision-making mechanisms contribute to the formation of particular network structures. Based on two simple stochastic mechanisms for establishing links, this article introduces a model that explains the emergence of homophily as an aggregate group and network level outcome. We characterize the dynamics of homophily and present conditions that guarantee that the amount of homophily exceeds the expected amount of a purely random decision-making process. Moreover, we show that the proposed model resembles patterns of homophily in a citation network of political blogs. Finally, we use the model to design a non-homophilic node detection algorithm for identifying nodes that establish connections without a particular preference for either node type.

2007 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 257-273 ◽  
Author(s):  
Biswambhar Panda

NGOs deploy multiple approaches to achieve their objectives. These may broadly be classified as bottom up and top down. While a bottom-up approach emphasises local decision making, community participation and grassroots mobilisation/movements, the top-down approach focuses on lobbying and bargaining with the decision-making authorities such as government agencies, building up of pressures through various campaign mechanisms, advocacy activities, etc. This article draws insights from the literature and begins with a discussion on approaches undertaken by grassroots NGOs to meet their objectives. At the outset, the article ponders over a set of questions such as whether grassroots NGOs essentially follow a bottom-up approach. If so, why? Do they also intend to establish rapport with the state officials and thereby have say in the decision-making process? If so, how do they pursue it? This article, however, operationalises the bottom-up approach in terms of an array of indicators such as awareness building efforts of NGOs, people's participation in different phases of projects, and people's involvement in creating people's institutions. Similarly, it defines top-down approach on the basis of indicators such as NGOs’ participation in advocacy activity, obtaining support from government authority and obtaining favourable court verdicts. Despite the rhetoric, this article conclusively finds that no grassroots NGO practices either a bottom-up or top-down approach exclusively.


2010 ◽  
Vol 8 (5) ◽  
pp. 13-34
Author(s):  
Syarif Hidayat

Conceptual as well as policy reform on decentralization and local autonomy post-Suharto administration, at a particular level, had been succeeded in opening up possibility for local government and society to play a greater role in the local decision-making process as well as in the implementation. Yet, at the same time, this reform mainstream faced the reality of ‘relational bias among elites’ due to the changing pattern of state-society interaction post New Order. Among significant characters of this change is that society is no longer being marginalized in the decision making process and policy implementation. However, the role of society cannot be seen as in terms of civil society, but in this case, their role had been dominated by societal actors (elites). As a result, the decision-making process and policy implementation -both at national and local levels- will be dominated by societal-state actors coalition and interest bargaining. As what can be seen in the cases of local direct election (pilkada) and regional proliferation (pemekaran daerah), each part (either state actors or societal actors) will develop formal and informal network in order to build coalition as well as bargaining their interest. In addition, each part will attempt to maximize their political and economic resources. In the future, it should not be assumed that eliminating “pilkada” and “pemekaran” would be the best therapy of this drawback. Instead, it would require the ability to manage “relational bias” among elites, in the process of “pilkada” and “pemekaran”, as well as in the administration process afterward.


2021 ◽  
pp. 016555152110136
Author(s):  
Muhammad Imran ◽  
Adnan Ahmad

The importance of big data is widely accepted in various fields. Organisations spend a lot of money to collect, process and mine the data to identify patterns. These patterns facilitate their future decision-making process to improve the organisational performance and profitability. However, among discovered patterns, there are some meaningless and misleading patterns which restrict the effectiveness of decision-making process. The presence of data discrepancies, noise and outliers also impacts the quality of discovered patterns and leads towards missing strategic goals and objectives. Quality inception of these discovered patterns is vital before utilising them in making predictions, decision-making process or strategic planning. Mining useful and credible patterns over social media is a challenging task. Often, people spread targeted content for character assassination or defamation of brands. Recently, some studies have evaluated the credibility of information over social media based on users’ surveys, experts’ judgement and manually annotating Twitter tweets to predict credibility. Unfortunately, due to the large volume and exponential growth of data, these surveys and annotation-based information credibility techniques are not efficiently applicable. This article presents a data quality and credibility evaluation framework to determine the quality of individual data instances. This framework provides a way to discover useful and credible patterns using credibility indicators. Moreover, a new Twitter bot detection algorithm is proposed to classify tweets generated by Twitter bots and real users. The results of conducted experiments showed that the proposed model generates a positive impact on improving classification accuracy and quality of discovered patterns.


2021 ◽  
pp. 232949652110288
Author(s):  
Meaghan Stiman

In theory, participatory democracies are thought to empower citizens in local decision-making processes. However, in practice, community voice is rarely representative, and even in cases of equal representation, citizens are often disempowered through bureaucratic processes. Drawing on the case of a firearm discharge debate from a rural county’s municipal meetings in Virginia, I extend research about how power operates in participatory settings. Partisan political ideology fueled the debate amongst constituents in expected ways, wherein citizens engaged collectivist and individualist frames to sway the county municipal board ( Celinska 2007 ). However, it was a third frame that ultimately explains the ordinance’s repeal: the bureaucratic frame, an ideological orientation to participatory processes that defers decision-making to disembodied abstract rules and procedures. This frame derives its power from its depoliticization potential, allowing bureaucrats to evade contentious political debates. Whoever is best able to wield this frame not only depoliticizes the debate to gain rationalized legitimacy but can do so in such a way to favor a partisan agenda. This study advances gun research and participatory democracy research by analyzing how the bureaucratic frame, which veils partisanship, offers an alternative political possibility for elected officials, community leaders, and citizens to adjudicate partisan debates.


Health Policy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 87 (3) ◽  
pp. 342-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anke Richter ◽  
Katherine A. Hicks ◽  
Stephanie R. Earnshaw ◽  
Amanda A. Honeycutt

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (8) ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamarudin Ngah ◽  
Zaherawati Zakaria ◽  
Zaliha Hj Hussin ◽  
Nazni Noordin ◽  
Jamaludin Mustaffa ◽  
...  

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