scholarly journals Women’s Work-Family Histories and Cognitive Performance in Later Life

2020 ◽  
Vol 189 (9) ◽  
pp. 922-930 ◽  
Author(s):  
Erin Ice ◽  
Shannon Ang ◽  
Karra Greenberg ◽  
Sarah Burgard

Abstract Long-term exposures to the stress and stimulation of different work, parenting, and partnership combinations might influence later life cognition. We investigated the relationship between women’s work-family life histories and cognitive functioning in later life. Analyses were based on data from women born between 1930 and 1957 in 14 European countries, from the Survey of Health, Ageing and Retirement in Europe (2004–2009) (n = 11,908). Multichannel sequence analysis identified 5 distinct work-family typologies based on women’s work, partnership, and childrearing statuses between ages 12 and 50 years. Multilevel regressions were used to test the association between work-family histories and later-life cognition. Partnered mothers who mainly worked part-time had the best cognitive function in later life, scoring approximately 0.63 (95% confidence interval (CI): 0.18, 1.07) points higher than mothers who worked full-time on a 19-point scale. Partnered mothers who were mainly unpaid caregivers or who did other unpaid activities had cognitive scores that were 1.19 (95% CI: 0.49, 1.89) and 0.93 (95% CI: 0.20, 1.66) points lower than full-time working mothers. The findings are robust to adjustment for childhood advantage and educational credentials. This study provides new evidence that long-term exposures to certain social role combinations after childhood and schooling are linked to later-life cognition.

2013 ◽  
pp. 261-282
Author(s):  
Margarita Estévez-Abe ◽  
Tanja Hethey-Maier

2013 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 24 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sumarto . ◽  
Resi Permanasari

There is a positive relationship between the high woman representation in public and the success of corruption and poverty eradication. This means that the role of women becomes very strategic along with the increase of woman representation in public region. In Indonesia, the problem is that woman represen­tation is very low in public region, and from time to time it tends to decline. The low woman representation indicates that the motivation of women to lead is lower than men.  It is estimated that work-family conflicts and ambition of women are the significant factors which is cause the low motivation of women to lead in Indonesia. The population consists of the civil servants of local governement in “Gerbangkertasusila” East Java. The data were collected by distributing questionares to respondents. Four relationship hypotheses were signifincantly proven. These are : 1) the motivation of women to lead is lower than man; 2) the higher of women’s work family conflict, the weaker the motivation of women to lead ; 3) the stronger motivation of women to lead, the stronger of women’s work family conflicts; 4) the stronger the interaction between women’s ambition and work-family conflict, the weaker the motivation of women to lead. 


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 24
Author(s):  
Razieh Bagherzadeh ◽  
Abbas Ebadi ◽  
Ziba Taghizadeh ◽  
Eesa Mohammadi ◽  
Abolghasem Pourreza ◽  
...  

2021 ◽  
pp. 0192513X2110300
Author(s):  
Haoshu Duan

Using three waves of data from the Midlife in the United States Study (MIDUS 1995–2014, N =1,123), this study investigates the linkage between caregiving and women’s positive and negative work–family spillovers over the life course. Results show that women’s work–family experiences are not only shaped by caregiving itself but also depend on the timing when they take these roles: the effect of raising school-aged children on negative family-to-work spillover (FWS) is the highest in the 40s, and the effect of raising adolescent children on positive work-to-family spillover (WFS) is the lowest in the 50s. Providing financial support to parents increases both negative FWS and negative WFS, and the effects are highest in their 20s and 65+, respectively. Providing emotional care and unpaid assistance to parents can enhance women’s positive FWS in their 40s. This study’s findings suggest that timing and linked-lives both play strong roles in shaping women’s work–family experiences.


2011 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Sefton ◽  
Maria Evandrou ◽  
Jane Falkingham ◽  
Athina Vlachantoni

Neurology ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 95 (23) ◽  
pp. e3072-e3080 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elizabeth Rose Mayeda ◽  
Taylor M. Mobley ◽  
Robert E. Weiss ◽  
Audrey R. Murchland ◽  
Lisa F. Berkman ◽  
...  

ObjectiveTo test the hypothesis that life course patterns of employment, marriage, and childrearing influence later-life rate of memory decline among women, we examined the relationship of work-family experiences between ages 16 and 50 years and memory decline after age 55 years among US women.MethodsParticipants were women ages ≥55 years in the Health and Retirement Study. Participants reported employment, marital, and parenthood statuses between ages 16 and 50 years. Sequence analysis was used to group women with similar work-family life histories; we identified 5 profiles characterized by similar timing and transitions of combined work, marital, and parenthood statuses. Memory performance was assessed biennially from 1995 to 2016. We estimated associations between work-family profiles and later-life memory decline with linear mixed-effects models adjusted for practice effects, baseline age, race/ethnicity, birth region, childhood socioeconomic status, and educational attainment.ResultsThere were 6,189 study participants (n = 488 working nonmothers, n = 4,326 working married mothers, n = 530 working single mothers, n = 319 nonworking single mothers, n = 526 nonworking married mothers). Mean baseline age was 57.2 years; average follow-up was 12.3 years. Between ages 55 and 60, memory scores were similar across work-family profiles. After age 60, average rate of memory decline was more than 50% greater among women whose work-family profiles did not include working for pay after childbearing, compared with those who were working mothers.ConclusionsWomen who worked for pay in early adulthood and midlife experienced slower rates of later-life memory decline, regardless of marital and parenthood status, suggesting participation in the paid labor force may protect against later-life memory decline.


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