scholarly journals An Exploratory Study of Transgender New Yorkers' Use of Sexual Health Services and Interest in Receiving Services at Planned Parenthood of New York City

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 231-237 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lauren M. Porsch ◽  
Ila Dayananda ◽  
Gillian Dean
2018 ◽  
Vol 133 (3) ◽  
pp. 234-239 ◽  
Author(s):  
Allyna Steinberg ◽  
Marybec Griffin-Tomas ◽  
Desiree Abu-Odeh ◽  
Alzen Whitten

The New York City (NYC) Department of Health and Mental Hygiene released the Teens in NYC mobile phone application (app) in 2013 as part of a program to promote sexual and reproductive health among adolescents aged 12-19 in NYC. The app featured a locator that allowed users to search for health service providers by sexual health services, contraceptive methods, and geographic locations. We analyzed data on searches from the Where to Go section of the app to understand the patterns of use of the app’s search functionality. From January 7, 2013, through March 20, 2016, the app was downloaded more than 20 000 times, and more than 25 000 unique searches were conducted within the app. Results suggest that the app helped adolescents discover and access a wide range of sexual health services, including less commonly used contraceptives. Those designing similar apps should consider incorporating search functionality by sexual health service (including abortion), contraceptive method, and user location.


2021 ◽  
pp. 009614422199964
Author(s):  
Glenn Dyer

Historians have conducted important research on the rise of law-and-order politics in New York City, where anxieties over women’s freedoms, political battles over police oversight, and crime impacts in poor communities contributed to its rise. The numerous walkouts, negotiations, and worker-management conflicts around high-crime areas in New York City suggest that the question of law and order was a salient workplace issue as well for the members of Communication Workers of America Local 1101. In their case, such concerns predate the rhetorical rise of law and order and help us better understand why such politics found fertile ground among working-class New Yorkers, white and black. Repeated incidences, largely in the city’s black ghettoes, prompted workers with a strong class consciousness and commitment to solidarity to transform the problems and experiences of individual workers into a shared question to be addressed via collective action.


2018 ◽  
Vol 89 (4) ◽  
pp. 897-908 ◽  
Author(s):  
Issa Papiss Bagayogo ◽  
Katharina Turcios-Wiswe ◽  
Kanako Taku ◽  
Lauren Peccoralo ◽  
Craig L. Katz

2020 ◽  
Vol Publish Ahead of Print ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanie Ngai ◽  
Don Weiss ◽  
Julie Anne Bell ◽  
Difaa Majrud ◽  
Greicy Zayas ◽  
...  

2016 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 295-313 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. J. Martos ◽  
P. Valera ◽  
W. O. Bockting ◽  
P. A. Wilson

2017 ◽  
Vol 43 (6) ◽  
pp. 915-931 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ariel Eisenberg

In the 1980s, visible homelessness became one of the most pressing problems in New York City. While most New Yorkers expressed sympathy for the homeless, many of them also resisted efforts to site shelters and service facilities in their neighborhoods. But far from being simply a case of NIMBY (not-in-my-back-yard) sentiment, protests over the placement of these facilities arose in the context of decades-long neighborhood movements against urban disinvestment and the beginning of gentrification in some New York City neighborhoods. I argue that understanding this history is crucial to parsing the complex politics of anti-homeless facility protests in the 1980s and to understanding the rise of “quality of life” policies that would govern many neoliberal urban spaces by the 1990s.


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