Publishing in Tsarist Russia: A History of Print Media from Enlightenment to Revolution. Edited by Yukiko Tatsumi and Taro Tsurumi. Library of Modern Russia. London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. Pp. xvi+264. $115.00 (cloth); $103.50 (e-book).

2021 ◽  
Vol 93 (4) ◽  
pp. 993-995
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Brooks
Keyword(s):  
2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 305-323 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhiwei Xiao

AbstractNo serious study has been published on how Chinese filmmakers have portrayed the United States and the American people over the last century. The number of such films is not large. That fact stands in sharp contrast not only to the number of "China pictures" produced in the United States, which is not surprising, but also in contrast to the major role played by Chinese print media. This essay surveys the history of Chinese cinematic images of America from the early twentieth century to the new millennium and notes the shifts from mostly positive portrayal in the pre-1949 Chinese films, to universal condemnation during the Mao years and to a more nuanced, complex, and multi-colored presentation of the last few decades.


2021 ◽  
pp. 327-349
Author(s):  
Zsófia Kalavszky ◽  

In my essay I trace how – by which means and through what channels – the Ukrainian song «Ĭхав козак за Дунай» (Kozak was riding beyond the Danube) reached Europe at the beginning of the nineteenth-century and then by the means of German mediation, sprang out onto Hungarian territories. In the German language area, it spread essentially as a folk song. Translated (or rather transcribed) into German by Christopher Tidge, the Ukrainian song reached the Kingdom of Hungary most likely together with the troops that took part in the Napoleon wars. At the same time, another version of the song circulated among the Hungarian elite in German culture. The latter was known as Russisches Lied in the translation of Theodor Körner – it was also in vogue and was distributed mainly in print media. The history of this song that in the first decade of the nineteenth century, gained fame in Czech, Polish, and English, has another line that may be interesting from the point of view of Russian and Hungarian literary connections. In 1814, Russian poet Wilhelm Küchelbecker translated the song into German. His translation which remained in the form of the manuscript and was not known to the reading public reveals an amazing similarity and in some places direct coincidences with the poem by the Hungarian poet Count Ferenc Teleki written presumably before 1820.


Daphnis ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 47 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 25-67
Author(s):  
Holger Böning

This study considers print media produced during the Thirty Years War, focusing on the fact – largely unknown by most historians of the war - that this was the first war in human history to be accompanied by newspapers printed on a regular weekly basis. It assesses the effectiveness of newspaper coverage of political, diplomatic and military affairs and the characteristics of war reporting. Little of what, in historiography, is generally counted among the arcana imperii remained hidden from the readers. A history of the war could be written on the basis of the newspaper reports alone. With very few exceptions, every battle and siege was covered in great detail. No other media shadowed the events of the war as closely as the newspapers, which present a unique narrative of the war and revealing insights into these historical events. They represent an indispensable historiographical source, constituting an initial draft historical narrative from a contemporary perspective.


Plaridel ◽  
2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Veronica Alporha

Manuel L. Quezon is often credited by historians like Encarnacion Alzona (1937) as a staunch advocate of women’s right to vote. Indeed, the history of the struggle for women’s suffrage often highlights the role that Quezon played in terms of supporting the 1937 plebiscite as the president of the Philippine Commonwealth. Various print media of the period like dailies and magazines depicted him, and consequently, the success of the women’s suffrage movement, in the same light (e.g., Philippine Graphic, Manila Bulletin). However, closer scrutiny of Quezon’s speeches, letters, and biography in relation to other pertinent primary sources would reveal that Quezon was, at best, ambivalent, on the cause of the suffragists. His appreciation of the women’s suffrage’s merits was tied and anchored on certain political gains that he could acquire from it. In contrast to the appreciation of his contemporaries like Rafael Palma, Quezon’s appreciation of the women’s right to vote was based on patronage politics and not on the view that the right to suffrage is a right of women and not a privilege. His support for the cause was aimed at putting himself at the forefront of this landmark legislation and thus the real champions of the cause—the women—at the sidelines


Author(s):  
Megan Peiser

What is the place of women writers in literary history, and the history of women’s print media? Megan Peiser’s chapter answers these questions through the specific lens of Romantic women reviewers’ assessments of work by Romantic women novelists. The chapter begins by accounting for the difficulties of its approach. Since periodical voices are often collaborative, anonymous/pseudonymous and published serially they require readers to chase their commitment to these publications through multiple issues rather than declaring completeness and authority through a single accessible printing. The chapter proceeds with detailed accounts of the reviewing careers of Elizabeth Moody and Anna Barbauld and how they used their contingent presence as writers for the Monthly Review (1749–1844) to bolster the works of women writers of the period in a medium that has traditionally been perceived to be hostile to women’s writing.


2011 ◽  
Vol 48 (4) ◽  
pp. 469-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lisa Mitchell

Many political practices in India are today regarded as disruptive, extralegal, violent or otherwise detrimental to India’s democratic record, yet at the same time they have functioned in the past and continue to function as widespread forms of political communication. This article argues that such practices—often associated with those in positions of structural marginalisation—are as deserving of analysis and understanding as forms and sites of communication more conventionally associated with the history of democracy, such as the coffee houses and forms of print media associated with the bourgeois public sphere in Europe or practices associated with elections. Using the very common practice of alarm chain pulling to stop a train for political purposes as a specific example, the article also argues that it is important to place contemporary forms of political practice into their longer historical genealogies in order to fully understand their significance within the history and practice of democracy in India today.


Author(s):  
Lwdmila Constant PACHECO ◽  
Luana Tavares da SILVA

Resumo: Alagoas é considerado o Estado brasileiro mais violento segundo pesquisas divulgadas pela ONU. E dentre os municípios com maior índice de violência do Estado, União dos Palmares figura com destaque. O município foi sede do Quilombo dos Palmares, reconhecido como símbolo de resistência e liberdade. A derrocada do Quilombo no século XVII deu condições para o surgimento da cidade. No ano de 2012 o município recebeu o programa Juventude Viva – Programa do Governo Federal destinado às cidades que possuem alto índice de violência contra jovens. Tendo essa história de violência como referência, questiona-se qual o princípio dessa violência incrustada no conformismo da população e na denúncia da mídia impressa, que aponta União dos Palmares como lugar inóspito a se viver. Palavras-chave: Violência; naturalização; União dos Palmares.Abstract: Alagoas is considered the most violent Brazilian state according to research published by the United Nations, and among the municipalities with the highest state violence index, União dos Palmares figures prominently. The city hosted the Palmares, recognized as a symbol of strength and freedom. The collapse of Quilombo in the seventeenth century gave conditions for the emergence of the city. In 2012, the city received the Youth Alive program - Federal Government Programme for the cities that have a high rate of violence against young people. With this history of violence as a reference, which questioned the principle that violence embedded in the conformism of the population and in the print media complaint, pointing União dos Palmares as inhospitable place to live.Keywords: Violence; naturalization; União dos Palmares.


2017 ◽  
Vol 16 (03) ◽  
pp. E ◽  
Author(s):  
Luisa Massarani ◽  
Ildeu Moreira ◽  
Bruce Lewenstein

Science communication is today a well-established ―although young― area of research. However, there are only a few books and papers analyzing how science communication has developed historically. Aiming to, in some way, contribute to filling this gap, JCOM organized this special issue on the History of Public Communication of Science and Technology (PCST), joining 15 contributions, from different parts of the globe. The papers published in this issue are organized in three groups, though with diffuse boundaries: geography, media, and discipline. The first group contains works that deal descriptively and critically with the development of PCST actions and either general or specific public policies for this area in specific countries. A second set of papers examines aspects of building science communication on TV or in print media. The third group of papers presents and discusses important PCST cases in specific areas of science or technology at various historical moments.


2007 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 59-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shirleene Robinson

Since the 1970s, there has been a strong and active gay and lesbian press in the southern parts of Australia. This press emerged later in Queensland than in the southern states but today it reaches many queer Queenslanders and performs a vital and multifaceted role. While this press provides essential representation and visibility for the gay, lesbian, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (GLBTIQ) population of Queensland, it also embodies a number of tensions inherent in this community. This article charts the development and history of the print media run by and for the queer community of Queensland, particularly focusing on the two major GLBTIQ periodicals currently available in Queensland. These are Queensland Pride, published monthly, and Q News, published fortnightly. The article explores the conflicts that exist in that queer print media, arguing that Queensland's queer press has struggled to adequately represent what has become an increasingly multifarious and diverse GLBTIQ ‘community’.


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