The Diversity Contract: Constructing Racial Harmony in a Diverse American Suburb

2021 ◽  
Vol 126 (6) ◽  
pp. 1347-1388
Author(s):  
Kiara Wyndham Douds
Keyword(s):  
2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (1) ◽  
pp. 219-231
Author(s):  
Clara M. Austin Iwuoha ◽  

The demons of racism, bigotry, and prejudice found in society at large are also found in the Christian Church. Despite the very nature of Christianity that calls on Christians to be a counter voice in the world against evil, many have capitulated to various strains of racism. Some Christian denominations have begun to explore racism in the Church and have developed responses to addressing the issues in both the Church and the world. This article examines the historical context of race and religion in the Christian Church, and addresses the current efforts of some Christian denominations to become proactive in the struggle against racism. Jesus, in His Word, calls believers to pursue peace and oneness. The paper holds that racial harmony and racial unity are possible, but there are many false, old and d beliefs that will have to be crushed under the hammer of God's Word in order to get to a place of real peace.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 401-418
Author(s):  
Scot Danforth

The documentary Crip Camp presents a 1970s summer camp for disabled youth as a place of friendship and political dialogues that spawned the American disability rights movement. The film also represented Camp Jened as a haven of racial harmony and inclusion. Jened was not the only American micro-community of disability solidarity and political possibilities that also involved questions of racial politics. Scholars have criticized disability activists and disability studies scholars for neglecting problems of racial oppression. This historical study examines three examples of empowering disability subcultures in twentieth century America: Franklin Delano Roosevelt’s Warm Springs rehabilitation resort from the mid-1920s through the mid-1940s, the Rolling Quads at the University of California, Berkeley, in the late 1960s, and Camp Interdependence in California in the 1980s. The article interrogates the racial politics of these egalitarian communities.


1975 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jr. McNeil ◽  
Rosario John ◽  
Joseph Jr. ◽  
Phillip Lyman ◽  
James A. Thomas ◽  
...  

Author(s):  
Ellen D. Wu

This chapter deals with the concept of Hawaiʻi as a racial paradise. In the 1920s and 1930s, intellectuals began to tout the islands' ethnically diverse composition—including the indigenous population, white settler colonists, and imported labor from Asia and other locales—as a Pacific melting pot free of the mainland's social taboos on intermingling. After World War II, the association of Hawaiʻi with racial harmony and tolerance received unprecedented national attention as Americans heatedly debated the question of whether or not the territory, annexed to the United States in 1898, should become a state. Statehood enthusiasts tagged the islands' majority Asian population, with its demonstrated capability of assimilation, as a forceful rationale for admission.


2019 ◽  
pp. 160-208
Author(s):  
Henrice Altink

This chapter zooms in on colour blindness. Focussing on the racial domains of politics and criminal justice, it explores the correlation between race and colour and the enjoyment of civil and political rights. It argues that it was not just government inaction but also a lack of collective action from race-first and other groups why dark-skinned Jamaicans struggled more than others to exercise their civil and political rights. But while successive governments lacked the commitment to create a society where all Jamaicans irrespective of race and colour could enjoy their ‘fundamental rights’, they did their best to present Jamaica as a colour-blind nation. This chapter will also explore the purposes of this myth of racial harmony that was developed after the Second World War.


Author(s):  
Patricia Randolph Leigh

In this chapter, the author examines the history of the colonization of Brazil through the transatlantic Black slave trade and the effects this history had upon digital equity experienced by Black Brazilians in the information age. This examination is conducted using the philosophical lenses of critical theory and critical race theory (CRT). Coming from these perspectives, the author joins other scholars in the belief that racism does, in fact, exist in Brazilian societies and joins with those who aim to dispel ‘the myth of racial democracy’ and the myth of racial harmony in a country with roots in a race-based system of slavery and peonage. The author contends that issues of digital equity and equality of opportunity can only be effectively addressed if one has a deep understanding of the factors that led to inequities that preceded the information age. With this in mind, the author shares various culturally-based grass-roots efforts along with government initiatives she observed during a preliminary investigation of digital equity in this segment of the African Diaspora.


Author(s):  
Tommie Shelby

The philosophical underpinnings of black nationalism date back to the mid-nineteenth century, prior to the abolition of chattel slavery in the United States. Its key ideas are that black people should possess their own nation-state; that the flourishing of African peoples (including those of African descent in the Western hemisphere) requires racial solidarity and group self-help; that geographical racial separation is necessary for racial harmony; that blacks should cultivate pride in the historic achievements of those of African descent; that the survival of the race depends on militant collective resistance to anti-black racism and white supremacy; that psychic health requires the development and preservation of a distinctive black ethno-cultural identity; and that Africa is the authentic and rightful homeland of those who are racially black, regardless of where they were born or currently reside. In its broadest sense, black nationalism is the view that blacks constitute a distinct people or nation with their own collective aims, and that their wellbeing depends upon their ability to sustain political, economic and cultural solidarity. Central to all versions of black nationalism are the beliefs that the primary source of black oppression is racism, and that overcoming racial domination will require some form of group autonomy and self-reliance, perhaps even a separate black republic.


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