Split Intransitivity and Active-Inactive Patterning in Mopan Maya

1996 ◽  
Vol 62 (4) ◽  
pp. 379-414 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eve Danziger
Author(s):  
Ellen Contini–Morava ◽  
Eve Danziger

Mopan (Mayan, Belize/Guatemala) has two noun classifiers that resemble gender markers. However, the gender markers (GMs) violate expectations about canonical gender (Corbett and Fedden 2016): only a minority of Mopan nouns are gendered; gender is marked only together with the noun, not in multiple syntactic domains; gender marking can be omitted in certain syntactic contexts; and gender marking can be introduced when a normally non-gendered noun co-occurs with an adjectival modifier. We address the grammatical and discourse functions of Mopan GMs in relation to their non-canonical properties. Two productive functions—use as honorific titles with proper names and derivation of agentive nominals—are extended to various functions involving agentivity and differentiation, e.g. derivation of descriptive terms for non-human implements and terms for varietal subcategories. GMs are also employed creatively in discourse, e.g. to suggest animacy of inanimates or to introduce sex differentiation where it would not otherwise be signalled.


Author(s):  
Lincoln Ward Cutting

Proceedings of the Twentieth Annual Meeting of the Berkeley Linguistics Society: General Session Dedicated to the Contributions of Charles J. Fillmore (1994)


1998 ◽  
Vol 88 (1) ◽  
pp. 131 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael K. Steinberg
Keyword(s):  

Language ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 66 (2) ◽  
pp. 221 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert D. van Valin

2003 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-37 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raúl Aranovich

Old Spanish had a split auxiliary system in the perfect tense, reminiscent of what is found in Modern French and Modern Italian. In this paper, I trace the progress of the displacement of ser ‘be’ by haber ‘have’ with intransitive and reflexive verbs in the history of Spanish. The data support the hypothesis that predicates that have a more patient-like subject are the last ones to lose their ability to select ser, regardless of their syntactic or morphological make-up. This analysis, I argue, adds to the mounting evidence in favor of a universal semantic account of split intransitivity.


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