Popular Humor and “The Black Dwarf”

1976 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-128 ◽  
Author(s):  
Richard Hendrix
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Distinctive Character ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Old Order ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Government ◽  
Radical Culture ◽  
Weekly Journal ◽  
William Cobbett

In 1819 Viscount Castlereagh, England's Foreign Secretary and perhaps the most hated member of the Government, complained in parliament that the journalist, T. J. Wooler (1786?-1853), had become “the fugleman of the Radicals.” His weekly journal The Black Dwarf was circulating from radical Westminster to northern colliery districts, where it could be found “in the hatcrown of almost every pitman you meet.”Early nineteenth-century popular radicalism took form in its journalism and its political tracts, pamphlet satires, caricatures, posters, and ballads. The best of the radical publications were shaped in turn by traditional popular attitudes and forms, including the rich resources of popular humor. Wooler's writing was unmistakably political, and often earnest in the manner of the polemical journalism of William Cobbett and Richard Carlile or the oratory of Henry Hunt. But his favorite tone was satirical, and this made him prominent among those radicals who did the most in the late Regency years to promote a public attitude of anti-authoritarianism rather than deference, of contempt for an unjust government rather than fear of it. E. P. Thompson has shown that it was “not the solemnity but the delight” with which the radicals “baited authority” that made the old order vulnerable. Wooler's journalism is a fine example of the political uses of popular humor, and a key to understanding the distinctive character of Regency radical culture.IRegency radicalism was a mixture of traditional and Enlightenment political ideas of natural rights and freedoms and an emerging class-consciousness of economics and society.

scholarly journals Implikasi Pelaksanaan Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) secara Serentak terhadap Aspek Sosial, Politik dan Ekonomi

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Achmad Zulfikar ◽  
Baharuddin Nur
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
New Order ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Political Activities ◽  
Local Election ◽  
Old Order ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Efficiency And Effectiveness ◽  
The Government

Pemilihan Kepala Daerah (Pilkada) adalah antitesa dari pengangkatan kepala daerah yang telah berlangsung cukup lama, setidaknya hampir seusia dengan orde lama ditambah orde baru atau sekitar 50 tahun dari 70 tahun usia pemerintahan kita. Diangkat dan dipilih adalah dua hal yang berbeda. Dipilih tentu saja lebih demokratis daripada diangkat. Dipilih merupakan hasil dari sejumlah alternatif, sementara diangkat lebih terkesan suatu pilihan yang datang dari atas (top down). Pilkada merupakan sistem yang dibangun oleh pemerintah untuk memastikan Kepala Daerah berasal dari pilihan rakyat, bukan penunjukan dari pejabat atau kekuasaan diatasnya. Lazimnya, Pilkada berlangsung sesuai dengan penanggalan kegiatan politik setiap daerah, dimana batas masa tugas lima tahun dijadikan sebagai patokan untuk dilaksanakannya Pilkada lagi. Namun pada 9 Desember 2015 ini penanggalan itu mengalami perubahan atas dasar pertimbangan efisiensi dan efektivitas pelaksanaan Pilkada ke depan. Oleh karenanya, Pilkada yang akan berlangsungi di Indonesia ini merupakan pesta demokrasi terbesar yang pernah dilakukan di negeri ini, bahkan di dunia. Dalam makalah ini, penulis tertantang untuk menelaah bagaimana kemungkinan yang akan timbul sebagai implikasi Pilkada serentak ini terhadap aspek sosial, politik dan ekonomi masyarakat di Indonesia.---Local election / regional head election is antithesis of appointment of region head which have lasted long enough, at least almost as old with Old Order Era plus with New Order Era or about 50 year from 70 year old of Indonesian was established. Appointment and election are two different things. Elected is certainly more democratic than appointed. Elected is the result of a number of alternatives, while being lifted is more impressed with a choice that comes from the top. Local election is a system built by the government to ensure the Regional Head comes from the people's choice, not the appointment of officials or powers above it. Typically, elections take place in accordance with the political activities of each region, where the five-year term is used as a benchmark for the implementation of re-elections. However, on December 9, 2015 this calendar has changed based on the consideration of efficiency and effectiveness of Local election implementation in the future. Therefore, the elections that will take place in Indonesia is the biggest democracy party ever conducted in this country, even in the world. In this paper, the authors challenged to examine how the possibilities would arise as the implications of this Local concurrent election on the social, political and economic aspects of society in Indonesia.

scholarly journals Ideal Relationship Between Pancasila and Indonesian Muslims

ARISTO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 260
Author(s):  
Ahmad Choirul Rofiq
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Main Role ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
The Government

After successfully proclaiming the proclamation of independence, the Indonesian people made an agreement to ratify the Pancasila as the basis of the Indonesian nation. The Pancasila values were explored directly from the noble values possessed by the Indonesian people before Indonesian independence. This paper through library research concludes that the Pancasila historically underwent its dynamics since the Old Order government until the Reform Era, especially in its ideological process among plural Indonesian society. The ideology of Pancasila has been confronted with other ideologies, such as communist ideology and Islamic ideology which seeks to create an Indonesian nation in accordance with each ideology. Although the teachings of Islam are not contrast to the Pancasila, but the political movement of some Indonesian Muslims to establish an Islamic state or Khilafah in Indonesia clearly contradicts the spirit of Pancasila because Indonesia is a nation achieved by agreement of all Indonesian people with their various religions. Therefore, the Indonesian Muslims (as well as other non-Muslims) must prove their main role in maintaining the continuity of Pancasila and the unity of Indonesia with its Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. Besides, the Government leaders of Indonesia together with all Indonesian society must practice the holy values of Pancasila, maintain the unitary of the Indonesian nation, and realize a prosperous Indonesia based on the Pancasila.

scholarly journals Não somos selvagens: cultura política dos índios no Ceará (1799-1822) (We are not wild: Indian’s political culture in Ceará (1799-1822))

2016 ◽  
Vol 17 (26) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
João Paulo Peixoto Costa
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Eighteenth Century ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Social Space ◽  
White Men ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government

<p>O espaço social imaginado para os índios na América portuguesa, entre meados do século XVIII e início do XIX, os colocava em uma ambiguidade. Mesmo estando em situação de equidade com os brancos enquanto vassalos régios, eram caracterizados como ainda sujeitos a uma espécie de “menoridade moral”. Entre a construção da imagem dessa população associada à barbárie e a ação política dessas comunidades em suas povoações, chama atenção a procura constante dos índios em identificar-se enquanto súditos do rei e merecedores dos direitos que lhes eram garantidos e que bem conheciam. Diante desses conflitos, o objetivo é contrastar a imagem de “entregues à natureza” construída pelos governadores com a cultura política dos índios vilados no Ceará, omitida dos registros do governo, apesar de sua presença latente.</p><p> </p><p><strong>Abstract</strong></p><p>The social space imagined for the Indians in Portuguese America, between the mid-eighteenth century and early nineteenth century, put them in an ambiguity. Even though they are in a situation of equality with the white men known as vassals, were characterized as still subject to a kind of "moral minority". Between the construction of the image associated with this barbarism and the political action of these communities in their towns’ population, it points out the constant pursuit of the Indians in order to identify themselves as subjects of the king and deserving of rights that were guaranteed and that they knew well. Given these conflicts, the goal is to contrast the image of  “delivered to nature” which is built by the governors with the political culture of Indians in Ceará, that are omitted from the records of the government, despite its latent presence.</p><p><strong>Keywords</strong>:<strong> </strong>Indians. Political culture. Ceará.</p>

Ideal Relationship Between Pancasila and Indonesian Muslims

ARISTO ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 274
Author(s):  
Ahmad Choirul Rofiq
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Main Role ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Political Movement ◽  
Reform Era ◽  
Old Order ◽  
Library Research ◽  
Communist Ideology ◽  
The Government

After successfully proclaiming the proclamation of independence, the Indonesian people made an agreement to ratify the Pancasila as the basis of the Indonesian nation. The Pancasila values were explored directly from the noble values possessed by the Indonesian people before Indonesian independence. This paper through library research concludes that the Pancasila historically underwent its dynamics since the Old Order government until the Reform Era, especially in its ideological process among plural Indonesian society. The ideology of Pancasila has been confronted with other ideologies, such as communist ideology and Islamic ideology which seeks to create an Indonesian nation in accordance with each ideology. Although the teachings of Islam are not contrast to the Pancasila, but the political movement of some Indonesian Muslims to establish an Islamic state or Khilafah in Indonesia clearly contradicts the spirit of Pancasila because Indonesia is a nation achieved by agreement of all Indonesian people with their various religions. Therefore, the Indonesian Muslims (as well as other non-Muslims) must prove their main role in maintaining the continuity of Pancasila and the unity of Indonesia with its Bhinneka Tunggal Ika. Besides, the Government leaders of Indonesia together with all Indonesian society must practice the holy values of Pancasila, maintain the unitary of the Indonesian nation, and realize a prosperous Indonesia based on the Pancasila.

The Reluctant Revolutionist: A Study of the Political Ideas of Hipólito Da Costa (1774–1823)

1950 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 171-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jane Herrick
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
The Political ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Philosopher

Hipólito da Costa would probably be quite content (perhaps even a little surprised) at being feted as the father of the Brazilian press and probably he would not demand the additional title of political philosopher. But, in the fashion of his age, he discoursed at length on politics, and the pages of the Correio Braziliense which he edited show the ideas on governmental theory of a particular, early nineteenth-century liberal, a Portuguese influenced by the English liberalism which seems so far from radical today as to be almost blatantly conservative.

The Interface between Federalism and Development in Ethiopia

2019 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Assefa Fiseha ◽  
Fiseha H. Gebresilassie
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Literature ◽  
Case Studies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Sector ◽  
Governance System ◽  
Divided Societies ◽  
Political Autonomy ◽  
The Rich ◽  
The Government ◽  
Self Rule

Whether federalism and developmentalism—two important pillars of the Ethiopian governance system—align or collide with each other has been a subject for debate and there has been little research into the interface between the two. Using analysis of recent political developments, case studies, and indicators, and informed by the rich comparative literature on the political integration of diversity in divided societies, this chapter examines the interface between the two major commitments of the government. The findings from the case studies indicate that federalism and development, while both vital commitments of the government, have not necessarily always been in harmony with each other in the Ethiopian context. As a result despite significant gains in the socio-economic sector, tensions emerge as constituent units continue to demand more political autonomy to exercise self-rule.

Nazistowski mord na Żydach w prasie polskich komunistów (1942–1944).

2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich
Keyword(s):  
Shared Responsibility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Government ◽  
Post War ◽  
Polish Government ◽  
The Right ◽  
Political Right

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover

Capital californiano, necesidad presupuestal y cambio político: Juan Temple y el arrendamiento de la Casa de Moneda de México, 1827–1857

2019 ◽  
Vol 35 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-351
Author(s):  
Omar Velasco Herrera
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Mexico City ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Las Casas ◽  
Siglo Xix ◽  
The Government

Durante la primera mitad del siglo xix, las necesidades presupuestales del erario mexicano obligaron al gobierno a recurrir al endeudamiento y al arrendamiento de algunas de las casas de moneda más importantes del país. Este artículo examina las condiciones políticas y económicas que hicieron posible el relevo del capital británico por el estadounidense—en estricto sentido, californiano—como arrendatario de la Casa de Moneda de México en 1857. Asimismo, explora el desarrollo empresarial de Juan Temple para explicar la coyuntura política que hizo posible su llegada, y la de sus descendientes, a la administración de la ceca de la capital mexicana. During the first half of the nineteenth century, the budgetary needs of the Mexican treasury forced the government to resort to borrowing and leasing some of the most important mints in the country. This article examines the political and economic conditions that allowed for the replacement of British capital by United States capital—specifically, Californian—as the lessee of the Mexican National Mint in 1857. It also explores the development of Juan Temple’s entrepreneurship to explain the political circumstances that facilitated his admission, and that of his descendants, into the administration of the National Mint in Mexico City.

V.V. Rozanov Among Parties and Politicians

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 ◽  
pp. 165-170
Author(s):  
Aleksey V.  Lomonosov
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Editorial Office ◽  
Social Significance ◽  
Political Ideas ◽  
Political Journalism ◽  
Political Views ◽  
The Social ◽  
The Press ◽  
Journal Editorial ◽  
Political Essays

The article reveals the social significance of determining the political views of V.V. Rozanov in the system of the thinker’s worldview. The correlation of these views with his political journalism is shown. The genesis of social and political ideas of V.V. Rozanov is revealed. The author specifies his ideological predecessors in the sphere of public thought of the late 19th century and the thinker’s affiliation with the conservative political camp of Russian writers. The author of the article also gives coverage of the V.V. Rozanov’s polemical publications in the press. He outlines the circle of political sympathies and determinative constants in the political views of Rozanov-publicist and proves his commitment to the centrist political parties. The author examines the process of Rozanov’s socio-political views evolution at the turn of the 19th–20th centuries, and the related changes in his political journalism. The evaluations are based on the large layer of Rozanov’s newspaper publicism in the years of 1905–1917. To determine the Rozanov’s position in the “New time” journal editorial office and to reveal the motives of his political essays the author of the article used epistola

Perempuan dalam Kungkungan Budaya Politik Patriarkhis

MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono
Keyword(s):  
Political Participation ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Awareness ◽  
Cultural Reconstruction ◽  
Women's Participation ◽  
The Government ◽  
Gender Based ◽  
Women's Networks ◽  
Women's Political Participation

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.

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