Lloyd George's Timing of the 1918 Election

1974 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 109-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barry McGill
Keyword(s):  
Democratic Party ◽  
Voter Registration ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Home Office ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
Political Relationships ◽  
The Commons ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Moment

The full story of the 1918 election can never be told, although its importance as a watershed is, and was at the time, undoubted. Private papers have disappeared and fire destroyed records of the Local Government Board and Home Office. An especially interesting kind of record, the expenditure of candidates, was not even collected, and no questions were raised about this until it was too late.Churchill was among those who understood that “an election is to be fought, the result of which will profoundly affect political relationships and political issues for several years to come ….” Recent scholarship has concentrated on the divisions within the Liberal Party prior to the election, the special questions of Ireland and of National Democratic Party candidates, and “the stages” by which the drama unfolded in the autumn of 1918. But there has been no explanation of the timing: why did Lloyd George wait so long, and, having waited so long, why did he hurry into a December election, knowing the problems of voter registration and the signs of apathy and even hostility to an election? Moreover, all the discussion of why “coupons” were awarded as they were has obscured the difficulty of planning a coalition program, which was the precondition of any allocation of “coupons.”The constraints upon Lloyd George went back to 1916. From the moment he succeeded Asquith he was “a Prime Minister without a party.” His claim to have 136 Liberal supporters in the Commons was never substantiated by a name list or verified in the division lobbies.

The Representative System and the Calling of Elections

1973 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 655-660 ◽  
Author(s):  
Norman Ward
Keyword(s):  
Public Policy ◽  
Democratic Party ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Pierre Trudeau ◽  
The Government ◽  
To Come ◽  
Exhaustive Study ◽  
Representative System

Sometime between 30 October 1972 and the spring of 1973, the government led by the Rt. Hon. Pierre Trudeau, with fewer than half the members of the House of Commons belonging to the Liberal party, discovered that, unless it was prepared to use maps based on the 1961 census, one of the courses not immediately available to it was the dissolution of Parliament and the calling of another general election. The handicap (and it must also have particularly affected the strategy of the New Democratic party), was not for any constitutional reason; nor was it based on the possibility that the governor general might refuse the prime minister a dissolution. That possibility existed, although no one in the cabinet or Commons appears to have recognized it. Eugene Forsey concluded years ago, after his exhaustive study of the prerogatives governing dissolution: “Even where a great new issue of public policy has arisen, the Crown would be justified in refusing dissolution if Supply had not been voted, or a redistribution or franchise Act had not yet had time to come into operation, provided an alternative Government could be found, or provided the issue was not one which brooked no delay, e.g. a mandate for the despatch of troops overseas.” Two of the conditions noted by Dr Forsey three decades ago existed in 1972–3: a redistribution act had not yet had time to come into operation, and an alternative government could be found.

Fighting for the Future

2020 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Studies ◽  
Science Fiction ◽  
Political Science ◽  
Media Studies ◽  
Star Trek ◽  
Literary Studies ◽  
The Political ◽  
Television Series ◽  
Political Issues ◽  
The Moment

The first two seasons of the television series Star Trek: Discovery, the newest instalment in the long-running and influential Star Trek franchise, received media and academic attention from the moment they arrived on screen. Discovery makes several key changes to Star Trek’s well-known narrative formulae, particularly the use of more serialized storytelling, appealing to audiences’ changed viewing habits in the streaming age – and yet the storylines, in their topical nature and the broad range of socio-political issues they engage with, continue in the political vein of the franchise’s megatext. This volume brings together eighteen essays and one interview about the series, with contributions from a variety of disciplines including cultural studies, literary studies, media studies, fandom studies, history and political science. They explore representations of gender, sexuality and race, as well as topics such as shifts in storytelling and depictions of diplomacy. Examining Discovery alongside older entries into the Star Trek canon and tracing emerging continuities and changes, this volume will be an invaluable resource for all those interested in Star Trek and science fiction in the franchise era.

Drugs in the treatment of the dying

1964 ◽  
Vol 2 (26) ◽  
pp. 101-103
Keyword(s):  
The Family ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Care Of The Dying

The doctor's care of the dying includes not only support of the family but also the use of various drugs to relieve any terminal distress. Such treatment does not aim to prolong life, and still less to prolong dying, but to relieve the patient and to help the relatives, who will remember vividly the moment of death. Relief must continue to the end, not to drug the patient into insensibility but to allow death to come easily and quietly. Many patients understand what is happening as death comes near but if they are well cared for they are not afraid. Attendants or visitors who are anxious about death may need more reassurance than the patient himself.

Welfare States in the Middle East and North Africa: Puzzles and Answers

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-51
Author(s):  
Ferdinand Eibl
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Theoretical Argument ◽  
Regime Formation ◽  
General Terms ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Moment ◽  
Over Time

Chapter 1 sets out the main empirical puzzles of the book, which are (i) the early divergence of welfare trajectories in the region and (ii) their long persistence over time. Drawing on literature from authoritarianism studies and political economy, it lays out the theoretical argument explaining this empirical pattern by developing a novel analytical framework focused on elite incentives at the moment of regime formation and geostrategic constraints limiting their abilities to provide welfare. It also outlines the author’s explanation for the persistence of social policies over time and broadly describes the three types of welfare regime in the region. It sbows the limitations of existing theories in explaining this divergence and bigbligbts the book’s contribution to the literature. The theoretical argument is stated in general terms and sbould thus be of relevance to political economy and authoritarianism scholars more broadly. The chapter ends with an outline of the chapters to come.

Churchill, Sir Winston Leonard Spencer (1874 –1965)

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Gerena Cubbon
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Prime Minister ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Home Office ◽  
Winston Churchill ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
British Prime Minister ◽  
The Caribbean ◽  
First Time

Winston Churchill was British Prime Minister twice during his eventful political career. Churchill initially served the British Empire as a soldier in the Caribbean, India, and Africa during the imperial wars of the 1890s. His political service began in Parliament in May 1904 when he joined the Liberal Party and became undersecretary at the Colonial Office (1905). Prime Minister Herbert Asquith promoted Churchill to the Home Office and, in 1911, appointed him First Lord of the Admiralty. After briefly resigning from politics, Churchill returned in 1917 as an ardent anti-communist, joining the Conservatives in 1924, the year he became Chancellor of the Exchequer. He was again appointed First Lord of the Admiralty following the outbreak of World War II and became Prime Minister for the first time in May 1940. As Prime Minister during the war, Churchill relied on vigorous nationalist rhetoric to rouse his compatriots against Germany. Although defeated in the general election of 1945, he continued to speak and publish, delivering his famous "iron curtain" speech at Fulton College in Missouri on March 5, 1946. A lifelong anti-communist, he used this particular speech to emphasize the ideological gulf between the democratic, liberty-embracing West and the Soviet Union. Churchill again served as Prime Minister from 1951 until 1955.

A Mother’s Perspective on Autism

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael Ellis
Keyword(s):  
Family Business ◽  
Nobel Peace Prize ◽  
Intelligence Level ◽  
The Family ◽  
The World ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Moment ◽  
First Time

From the moment you discover that you are going to be a parent, the hopes, dreams, and expectations you have for your­self and your child flood your mind. No matter how your child is to arrive, your heart is full of hope and promise. You begin to let yourself plan your future. Will your child become president, a doctor, a lawyer, work in the family business, or win the Nobel Peace Prize? Will he or she possess a special talent or skill? Your mind wanders and daydreams of all that is to come. The moment they place your beautiful child in your arms, you realize that there is no greater feeling. You are in love. There is no feeling deeper or grander. The unimaginable joy and gratitude for the blessing of your child is overwhelming. We all know those moments where your heart surged out of your body in awe of the blessing you were given. You may have even asked yourself, “How did I get so lucky?” I can relate. The moment they placed my daughter in my arms for the first time, I knew I had a greater purpose. I would not find out how much for another two years. I devoted myself to her; her care, her introduction to the world, and to the very amazing person I knew she would become. I gave everything of myself tirelessly to her. Her every whimper, cry, or gesture was met with a response. I could anticipate her needs and wants before she fully expressed them. I thought I had an undeniable bond with my daughter. I did. I had a bond that needed no words. That was the problem: we did not need words. If you are like me, you noticed at first subtle differences in your child, and then later there were glaring and alarming indications something was not developing correctly. But, no matter your education or your intelligence level, denial can be a powerful thing.

Home rule and the liberal party, 1899–1906

1963 ◽  
Vol 13 (52) ◽  
pp. 316-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
H.W. McCready
Keyword(s):  
Party Politics ◽  
Home Rule ◽  
House Of Commons ◽  
Liberal Party ◽  
Financial Measures ◽  
House Of Lords ◽  
History Of ◽  
Liberal Reform ◽  
The Commons ◽  
Pros And Cons

Gladstone’s dramatic commitment of the liberal party to a policy of home rule for Ireland in 1886 was followed by the Grand Old Man’s two attempts at turning his policy into legislation. The first home rule bill, that of 1886, was defeated in the house of commons and then in a general election: the second, that of 1893, was overwhelmed in the house of lords and then dropped by Gladstone’s fourth government. Though the Gladstonian commitment remained and the liberal party continued to be a home rule party — and though the pros and cons of the union of 1800 remained the major structural feature of British party politics — it was not until 1912 that the liberals did anything further about their major Irish policy. For most of the period 1893-1912 they were, of course, impotent in opposition and consequently in no position to take the initiative on home rule. In 1906, however, they won a landslide victory over their unionist opponents and it is striking that this electoral victory and the great impulse it gave to one of the most dynamic governments in the whole history of British liberalism was not followed, as had the last two liberal victories under Gladstone, by the introduction of a third home rule bill. Had the liberal landslide of 1906 been put behind another home rule measure the whole history of the matter would certainly have been radically different. The house of lords would have been easily overwhelmed; the great advance in constitutional reform for Ireland would have been carried in a spirit of liberal reform rather than of political surrender; the development of Sinn Fein would have been frustrated or at least diverted. But the liberal victory of 1906 was not so used. Home rule was postponed and sidetracked and was taken up again only when the liberal party once more desperately needed Irish votes in the budget election which followed the rejection of Lloyd George’s financial measures by the lords in November 1909. The home rule banner was hoisted afresh by Asquith, the prime minister, in his Albert Hall speechof 10 December 1909 and the third home rule bill appeared in due course in 1912 in direct — and significant — succession to the budget and the parliament act for both of which the Asquith government needed Irish support in the commons.

scholarly journals Constraining the dense matter equation-of-state with radio pulsars

2020 ◽  
Vol 497 (3) ◽  
pp. 3118-3130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Huanchen Hu ◽  
Michael Kramer ◽  
Norbert Wex ◽  
David J Champion ◽  
Marcel S Kehl
Keyword(s):  
Equations Of State ◽  
Dense Matter ◽  
Leading Order ◽  
Radio Pulsars ◽  
Mass Measurements ◽  
Pulsar Timing ◽  
Orbital Periods ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Moment ◽  
First Time

ABSTRACT Radio pulsars provide some of the most important constraints for our understanding of matter at supranuclear densities. So far, these constraints are mostly given by precision mass measurements of neutron stars (NS). By combining single measurements of the two most massive pulsars, J0348+0432 and J0740+6620, the resulting lower limit of 1.98 M⊙ (99 per cent confidence) of the maximum NS mass, excludes a large number of equations of state (EOSs). Further EOS constraints, complementary to other methods, are likely to come from the measurement of the moment of inertia (MOI) of binary pulsars in relativistic orbits. The Double Pulsar, PSR J0737−3039A/B, is the most promising system for the first measurement of the MOI via pulsar timing. Reviewing this method, based in particular on the first MeerKAT observations of the Double Pulsar, we provide well-founded projections into the future by simulating timing observations with MeerKAT and the SKA. For the first time, we account for the spin-down mass-loss in the analysis. Our results suggest that an MOI measurement with 11 per cent accuracy (68 per cent confidence) is possible by 2030. If by 2030 the EOS is sufficiently well known, however, we find that the Double Pulsar will allow for a 7 per cent test of Lense–Thirring precession, or alternatively provide a ∼3σ-measurement of the next-to-leading order gravitational wave damping in GR. Finally, we demonstrate that potential new discoveries of double NS systems with orbital periods shorter than that of the Double Pulsar promise significant improvements in these measurements and the constraints on NS matter.

The Enforcement of the Conventicle Acts 1664–1679

1984 ◽  
Vol 21 ◽  
pp. 235-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anthony Fletcher
Keyword(s):  
Short Communication ◽  
The Political ◽  
Spiritual Autobiography ◽  
Political Events ◽  
To Come ◽  
The Moment

The denominational writers on late Stuart dissent used to put their emphasis upon the heroism and sufferings of forbears in the faith and on cherished works of spiritual autobiography produced under restraint such as John Bunyan’s Grace Abounding and William Penn’s No Cross, No Crown.’ The most important, and to my mind the most interesting, questions about persecution in this period have therefore gone unasked and unanswered. Aware of the most dramatic cases of malice and brutality, we have too readily accepted that the decades between the Restoration and the Toleration Act can be represented as the period of the ‘Great Persecution’. But how far did the acts which are conventionally summarised as the Clarendon Code represent the settled mind of the Anglican gentry, whose supremacy was confirmed by the political events of 1660 and 1670? How far were these acts actually enforced? How easy were they to enforce? These are large questions, much too large for a short communication. What I shall attempt here is an analysis of the enforcement of two statutes, the Conventicle Acts of 1664 and 1670, in a limited number of counties over a confined period. By 1679 popery, the alternative bogey to dissent, was at the front of magisterial minds and the 1670 act was for the moment largely in abeyance. Greater glory for the Second Conventicle Act was yet to come, with the Tory reaction of 1682 to 1686, but that period is beyond the scope of this paper.

scholarly journals The Anatomy of an Eviction Campaign: The General Election of 1868 in Wales and its Aftermath

Rural History ◽  
1998 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 177-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Cragoe
Keyword(s):  
Time Use ◽  
Electoral Politics ◽  
General Election ◽  
Recent Scholarship ◽  
History Of ◽  
To Come

One of the most striking aspects of recent scholarship concerning electoral politics in the Victorian countryside is the widespread consensus that has developed that landlords did not – as was so commonly averred by Radical politicians at the time – use the threat of eviction as a weapon with which to terrorise farming tenants into voting as they were instructed. In the work of Norman Gash, Richard Olney and Frank O'Gorman, English tenants are represented as being quite happy to follow the lead offered them by their landlords, both from a ‘semi-feudal’ sense of loyalty and from a sense of gratitude for past favours and the hope of further favours to come. Even in Ireland, where a historiography dominated by Pomfret presented a much bleaker picture of landlord-tenant relations, the process of revision has considerably modified the received view. J. H. Whyte has argued that the landowners were far less tyrannical than had been generally thought, and regards as particularly erroneous the idea that landlords had regular recourse to eviction to punish tenants who had voted contrary to their wishes. This policy was not used, he suggests, because it patently did not work. Whyte's insights, though they have been modified in certain respects, were recently upheld in W. E. Vaughan's study of landlord and tenant relations in mid-Victorian Ireland. The history of politics in the Irish countryside is thus seen as having approximated that of England, and recent scholarship suggests a similar picture for Lowland Scotland, where, outside the Famine years, patterns of eviction were similar to those in Ireland. In only one country do the landowners still retain intact their reputation for electoral tyranny: Wales.

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