Lord Dufferin and the Indian National Congress, 1885–1888

1967 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 68-96 ◽  
Author(s):  
Briton Martin

In the spring of 1884 shortly before his viceroyalty came to an end, Lord Ripon wrote in an urgent manner to Lord Kimberley, then Secretary of State for India, about one of the more critical questions of policy confronting the Government of India: “You may rely upon it that there are few Indian questions of greater importance in the present day than those which relate to the mode in which we are to deal with the growing body of Natives educated by ourselves in Western learning and Western ideas.” Ripon was pointing to the existence of a new class of English-educated Indians within British-Indian society and to the failure of the Government of India to acknowledge this class and to absorb its talents and influence within the structure of British-Indian administration. That this problem begged for a realistic solution by 1884 and that it would continue to do so in the years ahead, he had no doubts whatsoever; it had been left too long to fester in a mode both damaging to the class itself and dangerous to British rule. In short, the English-educated Indian class had become a question of policy.Simply stated, as the opportunities for Western collegiate education expanded and the avenues leading towards entry into the East India Company's service became available, the doors either failed to open or were placed out of the reach of the educated Indians seeking entry. By 1850, with the new class in existence in limited numbers in Calcutta, Bombay, Madras, and Delhi and with additional graduates appearing annually to swell its ranks, frustrations began to emerge as the graduates found themselves unable to secure the public employment which the Charter Act of 1833 had implied was to be their just right.

2016 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mei Chee Yung

Even though Islam is the official religion of Brunei Darussalam, more efforts are still needed to bolster functionality and relevance of Islam to the country, and implement an Islamic system of governance. This paper sets out to devise strategies in order to do so, to be implemented by three main stakeholders: Government civil service, the public and the international community. Five specific strategies are devised: formulate a single common understanding of Islamic governance; ensure commitment from top management; train and develop competence; engage the public; and engage the international community. The first three strategies relate to the Government, the fourth to the public, and the fifth to the international community. And at the core, of course, is Tauḥīd, or strong Faith, which would act as a guide to help individuals, the main agents of change, make appropriate decisions in accordance to the teachings of Islam, implement the five strategies to strengthen functional relevance of Islam in Brunei, and be able to work towards achieving the Maqāṣid of the Sharī’ah.


Author(s):  
Setlhomamaru Dintwe

Since the advent of democracy in 1994, there has been a myriad of incidents of corruption involving the public servants in South Africa. Equally so, the government led by the African National Congress have developed various mechanisms aimed at dealing with the problem of corruption. The incidents of corruption, characterized by colossal thefts,  embezzlements and rampant bribery are the basis of erudition around the ability of the African National Congress led government in dealing with corruption. Although this article acknowledges the presence of corruption during the apartheid era, its crux is mainly on whether the programmes employed by the African National Congress proved adequate in turning the tide against the scourge of corruption, which tends to erode the fabric upon which the South Africa’s economy is built. At the same breath, it is interesting to establish if the programmes employed by the ruling party encapsulate the internationally accepted elements reminiscent of an anti-corruption programmes worldwide. These elements <br />are  inter-alia, measurement of public perceptions, creation of public awareness, disincentivising corruption, visible sanctions, bureaucratic reform and most mportantly, the political will in dealing with corruption. Corruption is an indicator of a defective system of public accountability which involves subversion of public interest for  personal gains. An ability to deal with corruption manifests tself in two-fold paraphernalia. It encompasses understanding the causes of corruption on one hand and the calculated esponses in countering corruption on the other. It is against this background that his article endeavours to establish the advancement of the African National Congress in dealing with corruption in government.


Author(s):  
Juan Luis Gómez Colomer

El Ministerio Fiscal español tiene ante todo un problema de identidad orgánica. Se desea que sea independiente del Gobierno, pero las normas confirman una cierta dependencia. El Ministerio Fiscal debe ser dependiente del Gobierno si se consuma la reforma hacia un modelo adversarial de enjuiciamiento criminal, porque ésa es la naturaleza que mejor cuadra con dicho sistema, en donde el acusado sabe que enfrente tiene a la Administración, que, cumpliendo con su deber público, le exige con todo su poder responsabilidad por sus actos. Hasta que se produzca el cambio, es mejor dejar las cosas como están. El Ministerio Fiscal no debe instruir el proceso penal ni dirigir la investigación del crimen mientras no tengamos el antedicho sistema adversarial vigente en España. Sería constitucional si lo hiciera, pero no está probado que esté preparado para hacerlo, y probablemente, a pesar de declaraciones oficiales, no desee asumir ahora esa responsabilidad. Con las normas y la práctica actual, correría el peligro de ser visualizado en los casos más importantes como un órgano no objetivo.The Spanish Public Prosecution Service has, foremost, a problem of organic identity. It is believed that it should be independent from the Government, but the laws confirm some degree of dependence. The Public Prosecution should depend on the Government if the reform toward an adversarial model of criminal procedure is pursued, because that is the nature that best fits a system in which the defendant knows he is facing an Administration that, fulfilling its public duty, is demanding with all its powers that he takes responsibility for his actions. Until the change is produced, it is better to leave things as they are. The Public Prosecution Service should not direct the criminal investigation while the foresaid adversarial system in not in force in Spain. If it did, it would be constitutional, but it has not been demonstrated that it is ready to do so and, probably, in spite of official declarations, the Public Prosecution does not want now to assume that responsibility. With the current laws and practices, the Prosecution Service would be in danger of being taken as a non-objective organ in the most important cases.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 105-113
Author(s):  
Mannie Sher

Tavistock Institute of Human Relations1T: (+44) 020 7417 0407F: (+44) 020 7417 0566E: [email protected]:www.tavinstitute.orgW: www.grouprelations.comPresented at the conference:Reconstructing social work strategies in relation to authority and powerUniversity of Vilnius8th November 2013 SummaryThe profession of social work is fundamentally concerned about the persisting problems of socially alienated people and communities. Social work, by relying on its long heritage of practical experience, intelligent conceptual models and leading edge methodologies for change, works consistently to develop radically different approaches to helping clients. They do so by challenging the government, welfare agencies and charities to review their strategies and practices across society as a whole. The profession of social work also has to manage the tension between a prevailing view of welfare services as a burden on the public purse and one which views welfare services as being for the good of society as a whole. Social policies and good social work services are a wise form of endowment in the potential of individuals and communities whose considerable resources and strengths for their and society’s mutual benefit are otherwise wasted.Key words: welfare; social work; sustainability; alienation; autonomy and independence; power and authority.


2018 ◽  
pp. 146-207
Author(s):  
Sabyasachi Bhattacharya

In the last two decades of colonial rule in India, there were anticipations of freedom in many areas of the public sphere. In the domain of archiving these were chiefly felt in the form of reversal of earlier policies. The biggest change was that the habit of looking at the records as resources exclusively to be used by the civil servants for purposes of governance was abandoned. The resistance of the bureaucracy from the 1860s to opening the records to the Indian public was overcome. And, above all, the locus of policymaking shifted in the 1920s to the Indian Historical Records Commission, consisting of leading Indian historians who outnumbered the ‘official’ members who represented the government record offices. The period spanning the beginning of the nineteenth century to the last years of British rule in India saw the evolution from a Eurocentric and disparaging approach to India towards a more liberal and less ethnocentric approach.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 156
Author(s):  
Krisma Trianisa ◽  
Eko Priyo Purnomo ◽  
Aulia Nur Kasiwi

The research was conducted on the researcher's curiosity on various environmental problems that arise as a result of the condition of the earth that is no longer able to sustain all the needs and desires of humans are infinite. But to avoid too much discussion, research will focus on how coal's role in contributing to high levels of air pollution in India. Air pollution is one of the environmental problems that often gets the world's attention. Talking about air pollution must be very closely related to the State of India, whose position as the country with the worst levels of pollution in the world. The method in this study uses a type of qualitative method with the source of data in the form of a literature review that is journal articles that have relevance to the research topic. The data obtained through the literature review will then be carried out data analysis with data reduction stages, data presentation and drawing conclusions. Based on the results of the study it can be seen that coal is the belle of fuel used by India as a support for the large energy needs of Indian society. Indeed, coal's natural resources have a positive impact on the economic situation and conditions of energy security in India, but there are more urgent things that need attention that is related to the negative impact of coal use in the form of pollution which is very dangerous for the survival of Indian society. Therefore, to protect the public from the worsening air conditions in India requires serious efforts from various groups, especially the government


Author(s):  
Manavi Goyal ◽  

The LGBTQ+ community has been mistreated socially, economically and politically in India. The discrimination they face stems from homophobic ideals within society that grow due to less education regarding the LGBTQ+ society. Queer people in India encounter issues with homophobia within society. While India’s LGBTQ+ related laws are moderately progressive compared to its neighbours, society is not as accepting towards the community. There are a lot of socio-cultural factors that cause these issues including history, religion and general societal norms. Moreover, due to the diverse urban and rural settings in India, the acceptance of the community is very different amongst different locations. The report includes multiple psychological theories in order to understand the reason behind why India has been moving so slowly in terms of accepting the LGBTQ+ community. The paper also explains India’s cultural factors to demonstrate how it influences the public. In general, I found that India finds comfort in establishing hierarchy and preserving group relations which is why I believe education and representation will have the most positive impact. Therefore, I proposed that the government implement educational and awareness programs as well as more representation in the media so that Indian society is more informed on what it means to be part of the LGBTQ+ community.


2016 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-36
Author(s):  
Kateryna Zelenska

Abstract Agricultural exporters tend to enter into contracts containing quality or standard clauses. These provisions may refer to either international public standards or standards set by private bodies. The second are usually more dynamic and thereby may respond to the consumers’ demand more quickly. However, high participation costs may exclude a large share of producers from private standards schemes. The state may pick certain socially desirable private standards and evolve them to the public regulation, as it was the case of the rules on organic farming in the EU. The government may introduce aid to encourage all interested actors to participate in the scheme, although the policy space left for the government to do so is limited by the WTO disciplines for domestic support.


1967 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 353-383 ◽  
Author(s):  
N. Gerald Barrier

Two major factors determined the growth of Indian nationalism: developments within Indian society and indigenous political organizations and the British response to agitation and the demands of Indian politicians and interest groups. Current studies of Indian nationalism generally focus upon the former, while the relation of British rule to political development is either ignored or misunderstood. Frequently the British are portrayed as inept bureaucrats, or the government as a monolithic structure run on inflexible bureaucratic principles and bent upon a policy of repression. While the shoe often fits, this caricature ignores the basic fact that, despite mounting pressure from 1904 onwards, the British rulers managed to keep order and to choose their hour of departure. They were able to continue governing primarily because they were adroit in handling agitation, minimizing serious grievances, and retreating from policies or measures which threatened to inflame the subcontinent. Professor Anthony Low of the University of Sussex has shown graphically how the Government of India manipulated Gandhi's first and second civil disobedience campaigns to its own political advantage. This paper explores the background and the British response to an earlier but equally volatile situation, the 1907 rural disturbances in the Punjab.


2006 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 229-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
John McCarthy ◽  
Clark McPhail

Protest events occur in historical time and geographical place. In the U.S., some places are now constitutionally privileged with respect to citizen access and free assembly and speech. These venues are known as the traditional commons or the public forum. It is our contention that in recent years (1) these spaces have been shrinking in number, (2) citizens have experienced increasing difficulty in gaining unrestricted access to them, and (3) such venues are no longer where most people typically congregate in large numbers. Nevertheless, as we will show, when citizens gather to express dissenting views toward the government at the turn of the twentieth century they overwhelmingly choose spaces in the public forum to do so.


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