State Monopoly of Packaged-Liquor Retailing

1967 ◽  
Vol 75 (2) ◽  
pp. 197-198 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. J. Whalen,
Keyword(s):  
2012 ◽  
pp. 96-114
Author(s):  
L. Tsedilin

The article analyzes the pre-revolutionary and the Soviet experience of the protectionist policies. Special attention is paid to the external economic policy during the times of NEP (New Economic Policy), socialist industrialization and the years of 1970-1980s. The results of the state monopoly on foreign trade and currency transactions in the Soviet Union are summarized; the economic integration in the frames of Comecon is assessed.


JOM ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 69 (6) ◽  
pp. 1093-1099 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hongli Chen ◽  
Haifeng Liu ◽  
Wei Qian

1979 ◽  
Vol 30 (3) ◽  
pp. 353-377 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hilary Jenkins

‘There were about ten million Catholics in the British dominions, and, properly considered, Queen Victoria was one of die great Catholic powers of Europe. She reigned over more Cadiolics man some Catholic Sovereigns’. This was the claim of an Irish member of parliament in advocating equality of Catholic education with Protestant at the great meeting held by Cardinal Cullen in the Marlborough Street ‘Cathedral’ in Dublin in January 1872. The meeting was intended to demonstrate the unanimity of laity and clergy in the demand for denominationalism in the National Schools system and the rejection of mixed schools. On the same day the opposition to Cullen's policy was expressed by die Radical John Roebuck in an address given in Sheffield, in the course of which he argued that the disestablishment of the Church of Ireland in 1869 had merely been a dissembling attempt by the Liberals to dupe Dissenters and Radicals and bind diem to Mr Gladstone. It had not brought religious peace to Ireland. ‘Were not the whole body of the Cadiolics, headed by Cardinal Cullen, still determined upon attaining their old end, which was supremacy of the Cadiolic Church in Ireland?’ At the Dublin gathering Cullen quoted J. S. Mill on die danger of a state monopoly in education and roundly condemned the government's policy of mixed education as a scheme which die Protestant Archbishop Whately had admitted was the only way of weaning the Irish from the abuses of popery. The organ of Irish nationalist opinion, The Freeman's Journal, rallied support by denouncing Lord Hartington for resisting the logic of die argument that Irish education of Cadiolic children should be handed over to ‘the priests and people of Ireland’: English Protestants were insincere in favouring a denominational system for Scotland while treating Catholic education for the Irish as subversive of civil and religious liberty.


2007 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 241-259
Author(s):  
Ruth Barton ◽  
Peter Fairbrother

Australia has been one of the world's leading proponents of privatisation. One of the key arguments about privatisation is that it would end the inefficient state monopoly of public services and reduce the power of public sector trade unions. Within a relatively short period of the privatisation of the energy and transport sectors in Victoria Australia, there was a reconsolidation of ownership which raised new challenges for the trade unions. After this phase, the main trade unions in these two sectors took steps to meet these new circumstances to renew and rebuild their structures and strengthen their capacity to challenge the new private oligopolies. Thus, paradoxically some unions were able to open up space to renew and rebuild in the post–privatisation world.


2017 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 530-545 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chiara Maritato

This article addresses the religious activities of the female preachers ( vaizeler) employed by the Turkish Presidency of Religious Affairs (Diyanet). It investigates the extent to which, and how, the activities carried out by the Diyanet’s vaizeler are in compliance with a state attempt to standardise and control female religious engagement. As religious officers, the vaizeler both spread and embody an organised religion. However, far from any dichotomous perspective, to assert their religious authority the Diyanet’s preachers navigate daily between compliance with the institution’s dogmas and negotiation with a plurality of interpretations labelled as unofficial, popular and traditional. To fully assess this issue, this article refers to ethnographic observations of everyday vaizeler’s preaching activities in Istanbul’s mosques. Conducted between 2013 and 2014, these observations are crucial for contextualising the evolution of the Turkish state monopoly over religious affairs, particularly in the aftermath of the July 2016 attempted coup.


1928 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. A. Rickard

During the Republican Period a number of mining districts were exploited in the territory that the Romans annexed. Mines in conquered countries that had belonged to the former rulers became the property of the Roman people, and others were acquired by confiscation or forced purchase from private owners. But the industry was not entirely a State monopoly: on the contrary, a number of mines remained in private hands, more particularly those yielding the base metals—copper, lead and tin—whereas those that yielded the precious metals—gold and silver—were retained by the State. Under the Empire the mines became a special object of bureaucratic concern: as mineral wealth had been the spoil of conquest, so in due course it became the prize of usurpation.


Author(s):  
André Lemos ◽  
Francisco Paulo Jamil Almeida Marques

This chapter examines the limitations and the socio-political effects of the Brazilian National Broadband Plan (PNBL: is its Portuguese acronym). The discussion considers the main transformations witnessed in the telecommunications landscape in Brazil during the second half of the twentieth century. On the one hand, the end of state monopoly of telecommunications services and the provision of such services by the private sector called for greater investments in infrastructure. On the other hand, the Brazilian regulatory agencies have failed to lower prices, promote competition, and spread broadband access to remote and underserved areas. The PNBL was launched in order to deal with these difficulties. The plan, however, has at least three important problems: (1) the low-speed connection offered to users, (2) the unattractive prices, and (3) the lack of reflection on issues such as net neutrality. The text argues that only by taking such issues into consideration will the plan ensure innovation, economic growth, diversity, and freedom of access to information.


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