A History of Laxton, England's Last Open-Field Village. J. V. BeckettA General View of the Rural Economy of England, 1538-1840. Ann Kussmaul , Peter Laslett , Roger Schofield , E. A. Wrigley , Daniel Scott Smith

1992 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 778-781
Author(s):  
W. A. Armstrong
1991 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 901
Author(s):  
George H. Fick ◽  
Ann Kussmaul
Keyword(s):  

1989 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 179-207 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mick Moore

The Sri Lankan rural economy has long been categorized into a plantation sector producing tea, rubber and some coconuts for export, and a smallholder sector producing mainly food, especially rice, for domestic consumption. While incomplete, this dichotomy is still usable. One of the significant features of Sri Lankan rural history over the past half century has been a partial transfer of tea and rubber production from the plantation sector to the smallholder sector. In this and in related respects the traditional plantation-smallholder dichotomy has been weakening. Yet in another important respect there has been no convergence between the two sectors. The plantation sector has remained fully capitalist in the commonsense meaning of that term, while capitalist relations of production appear to have made few further inroads into the smallholder sector. True that a great deal of the labour used in smallholder production is hired. But that has long been the case. The evidence suggests that since World War Two the small family farm has at least held its own as the dominant form under which land is owned and managed. This has happened despite rapid population growth on a terrain already densely populated.


Author(s):  
Silvio Luiz Martins Britto ◽  
Arno Bayer

O artigo analisa a obra Rechenbuch für Deutsche Schulen in Brasillien 2º Heft[1], de Matheus Grimm[2], com ênfase na seção XII, que aborda cálculos de economia doméstica e rural. Como o tema se insere na História da Educação Matemática, este estudo qualitativo e documental ampara-se na história cultural. A obra editada pela livraria Selbach, de Porto Alegre, teve sua primeira edição em 1900. O público-alvo eram os alunos do 3º e 4º ano elementar das escolas rurais teuto-brasileiras, unidocentes e mistas. A ideia era orientar os futuros colonos em suas receitas e despesas para administrar corretamente o orçamento familiar e gerenciar a produção na propriedade rural. Essa prática era comum nessas comunidades, pois havia o intuito de preparar as crianças para o futuro, com condições de realizar transações comerciais e dar continuidade aos negócios da família. Tais ações, contemporaneamente, fariam parte da denominada Educação Financeira, como objeto de conhecimento indispensável a ser trabalhado nas escolas brasileiras. As atividades desenvolvidas, a partir de situações-problema, estão relacionadas aos diferentes conteúdos matemáticos, envolvendo a aritmética, desenvolvendo habilidades para o manejo do cálculo escrito e mental por meio da resolução de problemas do cotidiano.   Palavras-chave: História da Educação Matemática. Ensino. Economia Doméstica e Rural.   Abstract The article analyzes the book Calculation for German schools in Brazil 2nd notebook, by Matheus Grimm, with an emphasis on section XII, which addresses household and rural economy calculations. As the theme is inserted in the History of Mathematics Education, this qualitative and documentary study is based on cultural history. The book published by the bookstore Selbach, Porto Alegre, had its first edition in 1900. The target audience were the students of the 3rd and 4th elementary year of the rural schools in Brazil, unidocentes and mixed. The idea was to guide the future settlers in their income and expenses to properly manage the family budget and manage the production in the rural property. This practice was common in these communities, since it was intended to prepare the children for the future, able to carry out commercial transactions and give continuity to the family business. Such actions, at the same time, would be part of the denominated Financial Education, as an object of knowledge indispensable to be worked in Brazilian schools. The activities developed, based on problem situations, are related to different mathematical contents, involving arithmetic, developing skills for the management of written and mental calculation through the resolution of everyday problems.   Keywords: History of Mathematics Education. Teaching. Domestic and Rural Economy.  


Author(s):  
Carola Trips

Morphological change refers to change(s) in the structure of words. Since morphology is interrelated with phonology, syntax, and semantics, changes affecting the structure and properties of words should be seen as changes at the respective interfaces of grammar. On a more abstract level, this point relates to linguistic theory. Looking at the history of morphological theory, mainly from a generative perspective, it becomes evident that despite a number of papers that have contributed to a better understanding of the role of morphology in grammar, both from a synchronic and diachronic point of view, it is still seen as a “Cinderella subject” today. So there is still a need for further research in this area. Generally, the field of diachronic morphology has been dealing with the identification of the main types of change, their mechanisms as well as the causes of morphological change, the latter of which are traditionally categorized as internal and external change. Some authors take a more general view and state the locus of change can be seen in the transmission of grammar from one generation to the next (abductive change). Concerning the main types of change, we can say that many of them occur at the interfaces with morphology: changes on the phonology–morphology interface like i-mutation, changes on the syntax–morphology interface like the rise of inflectional morphology, and changes on the semantics–morphology like the rise of derivational suffixes. Examples from the history of English (which in this article are sometimes complemented with examples from German and the Romance languages) illustrate that sometimes changes indeed cross component boundaries, at least once (the history of the linking-s in German has even become a prosodic phenomenon). Apart from these interface phenomena, it is common lore to assume morphology-internal changes, analogy being the most prominent example. A phenomenon regularly discussed in the context of morphological change is grammaticalization. Some authors have posed the question of whether such special types of change really exist or whether they are, after all, general processes of change that should be modeled in a general theory of linguistic change. Apart from this pressing question, further aspects that need to be addressed in the future are the modularity of grammar and the place of morphology.


Antiquity ◽  
1949 ◽  
Vol 23 (92) ◽  
pp. 180-187 ◽  
Author(s):  
H. P. R. Finberg

It has been generally agreed that Devonshire lies outside the area formerly cultivated under the open-field system. The map which serves as frontispiece to Gray’s monograph on the subject shows the western boundary of the open-field area beginning in west Dorsetshire and passing up northward across Somerset so as to exclude Devon, Cornwall, and west Somerset. Dr and Mrs Orwin, while revising and correcting Gray’s data at several points, are emphatic where the south-western counties are concerned. ‘In Lancashire, Devon, and Cornwall, there is nothing to indicate that the system [of open fields] was ever followed’. Recent text-books naturally follow in the wake of these authorities. Professor Darby, for example, writes that in Cornwall, and by implication in Devon also, the prevailing type of rural economy ‘had no relation to the three-field system’ ; and he illustrates his remarks with a reproduction of Gray’s map.One well-known fact, which at first sight appears irreconcilable with these pronouncements, was not overlooked by the authors. I refer to the existence at Braunton, in northwest Devon, of an open field of some 350 acres, divided into nearly five hundred arable strips of intermixed ownership. ‘Some persons own very many of the strips scattered all over the field ; that is to say, several strips in almost every division of it. Others have a few only, one here and there. But in all cases the strips of one owner are everywhere separated from each other by interposed strips of other owners . . . The line of demarcation between any two strips is commonly indicated by a narrow unploughed balk . . . The lesser plots appear as a rule to approximate in area to half an acre, more or less, and the others to multiples of this quantity . . . Very few exceed the limit of two acres’.


1961 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 560-565 ◽  
Author(s):  
Glenn Tinder

American students of society and politics for the most part view “historicism”—the ascription to history of an overall direction and goal—with attitudes ranging from skepticism to overt hostility. In the general view, no valid propositions can be framed concerning matters so shrouded in darkness as the course and the end of history. Indeed it may well be asked, when we use such terms, whether we are referring to realities or merely to inventions of the imagination. Historicist theories are also said to tend to undermine concern for the individual; the needs of the present, living person are likely to shrink into apparent insignificance before the imagined events of a future age. On the part of those who in recent years have seen the bloody trails left by pretended ministers of historical missions, such misgivings are understandable.Are social scientists and political thinkers at liberty, however, dogmatically to reject historicism? It is the purpose of this article to argue that they are not. For if history is without meaning, it is difficult to avoid the conclusion that social and political affairs, which make up a large part of what we treat as history, are also without meaning. Why then should one study, or take part in, these affairs? What is at stake, in the last analysis, is our right—or duty—to regard the world we inhabit, not merely as alien material to be used or ignored as we please, but as a realm of being with which we are fundamentally united and in which, consequently, we are properly participants.


Rural History ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 85-108 ◽  
Author(s):  
R. J. Moore-Colyer

AbstractAgainst the background of the economic and cultural environment of inter-war rural Britain, this article seeks to trace the history of the ‘Kinship in Husbandry’, a group of like-minded ruralists opposed to modernising tendencies in agricultural and the rural economy. Inspired largely by the thinking of the landowner, poet, forester and fold-danger Rolf Gardiner and chronicled by the writer H. J. Massingham, the ‘Kinship’ had little immediate influence, although its organicist, holistic and localist ideas form the basis of much current thinking on rural development. In considering the ‘Kinship’, the article also investigates the personal relationship between Gardiner and Massingham.


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