Oedipus at Fenway Park: What Rights There Are and Why There Are Any.Lloyd L. Weinreb

Ethics ◽  
1997 ◽  
Vol 107 (3) ◽  
pp. 534-536
Author(s):  
Loren Lomasky
Keyword(s):  
Fenway Park

The fugitive poets of fenway park

2004 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 326-327
Author(s):  
Martín Espada
Keyword(s):  
Fenway Park

We Believe

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amy Bass
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New England ◽  
Rhode Island ◽  
New Hampshire ◽  
World Series ◽  
The Creation ◽  
Definition Of ◽  
Fenway Park ◽  
Boston Red Sox

This chapter examines the diasporic quality of Red Sox Nation and the effects of winning two World Series on its (formerly “angst-ridden”) citizenry. For Boston Red Sox fans, the definition of home has always been blurry. Red Sox fans have always been part of a diasporic New England community more imagined than real, but maintaining a strong identity. Even in its most parochial eras, the Red Sox have reached far beyond Fenway Park, rendering “Boston” as home for people in Maine, Vermont, New Hampshire, Rhode Island, parts of Connecticut, and the rest of Massachusetts. In the 2004 championship season, the Red Sox surpassed the New York Yankees as Major League Baseball's most profitable road attraction. This chapter considers how the creation of Red Sox Nation turned the team into a national phenomenon, “enjoying a community that is rooted to whatever space it occupies at any given moment.”

Latinizing Fenway Park: A Cultural Critique of the Boston Red Sox, Their Fans, and the Media

2000 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-422 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Klein
Keyword(s):  
People Of Color ◽  
Cultural Critique ◽  
Media Content Analysis ◽  
Racial Tolerance ◽  
Large Numbers ◽  
The Media ◽  
Media Reports ◽  
First Time ◽  
Fenway Park ◽  
Boston Red Sox

This study examines racial tolerance through the intersection of the media, fans, and the Boston Red Sox. Through the 1998 season Red Sox home games in which Dominican Pedro Martinez pitched attracted large numbers of Latinos. This marked the first time that large numbers of people of color regularly attended Fenway Park. Media reports simultaneously promoted both an awareness of this cultural phenomenon and portrayed it as widely applauded. In presenting a story of Boston’s “embracing the ace,” the media reports also wound up pushing a view of widespread approval of the new Latino presence both in Fenway and society at large. This study sought to compare the impressions of widespread exuberance for Martinez and the Dominicans at the Park with actual interviews of those Anglos at the Park. It also sought to examine what motivated the Dominicans to attend in such large numbers and to so publicly celebrate their identity. The results showed that Anglos held a fractured view about Dominicans: a very positive view of Pedro Martinez as a Dominican but a fairly evenly split view of Dominicans in general. For their part, Dominicans were unconcerned with what Anglos thought and came to the game only to lend support to their Latino hero, as well as bask in his reflected glow. One methodological conclusion arrived at is that media content analysis must be cross checked against some sort of data and must not be assumed to accurately reflect social reality.

Galileo, Gauss, and the Green Monster

2013 ◽  
Vol 106 (8) ◽  
pp. 580-585
Author(s):  
Dan Kalman ◽  
Daniel J. Teague
Keyword(s):  
Calculus Students ◽  
Fenway Park

Using ideas of Galileo and Gauss but avoiding calculus, students create a model that predicts whether a fly ball will clear the famous left-field wall at Fenway Park.

The Long Way Home

Sacred Sea ◽  
2007 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Thomson
Keyword(s):  
New England ◽  
Lake Baikal ◽  
Chain Reaction ◽  
Lake Shore ◽  
The Pacific ◽  
The Family ◽  
The World ◽  
Green Walls ◽  
Fenway Park ◽  
Boston Red Sox

A Friday in July . . . Boston is a tangle of cranes and earthmovers, half-built flyovers and half-dug trenches and a huge steel snake slithering along the narrowest of paths through the chaos—Amtrak’s Lake Shore Limited, weaving its way through the city’s $15 billion highway construction project known as the Big Dig and heading westward toward Albany, Cleveland, and Chicago. We’ve said our last goodbyes to the family, hauled our backpacks into our two-person sleeping compartment, and finally, after weeks of ever-more frantic preparation, begun to feel the rhythm of the world rumbling slowly by beneath us, the rhythm of our lives for the next six months. The train picks up headway as it groans past the hallowed green walls of Fenway Park, home of the Boston Red Sox and the spiritual center of New England, the dense triple-decker blocks of the inner suburbs and the verdant lawns and oak groves of the outer suburbs. James and I sit across from each other, grinning slightly, both a little intoxicated by a cocktail of excitement, relief, and anxiety. Family, friends, work, school, daily antagonisms, and well-worn rituals are all receding physically if not yet mentally. Over the horizon ahead loom Alaska, the Pacific, Japan, Vladivostok, Lake Baikal, and 25,000 miles or so of who knows what else. But it’s no big deal, we tell ourselves. We’re heading home, just taking the long way. Just past dawn, west of Cleveland, we’re running two and a half hours late. Our sleeping car attendant, Fred, tells us that we lost time overnight to track repairs, slow-loading mail shipments, and freight trains. Once you start to lose a little time on this run, he says, you quickly end up losing a lot, because the tracks are owned by the freight companies, and their trains have priority. If an Amtrak train slips off schedule, it starts the kind of chain reaction of delays that have earned this train the nickname the Late Shore Limited. I ask Fred if we’re going to make our connection in Chicago. “Not if we keep stopping like this,” he says.

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