Delinquency and Disdain: Social Capital and the Control of Right-Wing Extremism Among East and West Berlin Youth

1995 ◽  
Vol 100 (4) ◽  
pp. 1028-1052 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hagan ◽  
Hans Merkens ◽  
Klaus Boehnke
Author(s):  
Nitzan Shoshan

This chapter examines how Germany's young right-wing extremists articulate their relations to cultural and ethnicized difference as they discursively constitute their own political selves, focusing in particular on their identification and self-identification as easterners. It considers some developments that have reshaped the extreme right in Germany over the past couple of decades, paying attention to the contemporary legacy of the East–West divide in the post-reunification era and its political significance both nationally and, more specifcally, for the young right-wing extremists. It also analyzes the vulnerability of Ossis (East Germans) to right-wing extremism right-wing extremism in today's Germany and concludes with a discussion of important trends that have reconfigured far right nationalism across the Continent, including Germany, in recent decades.


1999 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 162-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Hagan ◽  
Susanne Rippl ◽  
Klaus Boehnke ◽  
Hans Merkens

2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 422-423
Author(s):  
Kathleen Webb Tunney

Author(s):  
Ljupcho Stevkovski

It is a fact that in the European Union there is a strengthening of right-wing extremism, radical right movement, populism and nationalism. The consequences of the economic crisis, such as a decline in living standards, losing of jobs, rising unemployment especially among young people, undoubtedly goes in favor of strengthening the right-wing extremism. In the research, forms of manifestation will be covered of this dangerous phenomenon and response of the institutions. Western Balkan countries, as a result of right-wing extremism, are especially sensitive region on possible consequences that might occur, since there are several unresolved political problems, which can very easily turn into a new cycle of conflicts, if European integration processes get delayed indefinitely.


1995 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 448-456 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karen Schönwälder

2021 ◽  
pp. 147377952198934
Author(s):  
Lucia Zedner

The growth of right-wing extremism, especially where it segues into hate crime and terrorism, poses new challenges for governments, not least because its perpetrators are typically lone actors, often radicalized online. The United Kingdom has struggled to define, tackle or legitimate against extremism, though it already has an extensive array of terrorism-related offences that target expression, encouragement, publication and possession of terrorist material. In 2019, the United Kingdom went further to make viewing terrorist-related material online on a single occasion a crime carrying a 15-year maximum sentence. This article considers whether UK responses to extremism, particularly those that target non-violent extremism, are necessary, proportionate, effective and compliant with fundamental rights. It explores whether criminalizing the curiosity of those who explore radical political ideas constitutes legitimate criminalization or overextends state power and risks chilling effects on freedom of speech, association, academic freedom, journalistic enquiry and informed public debate—all of which are the lifeblood of a liberal democracy.


Res Publica ◽  
1970 ◽  
Vol 38 (2) ◽  
pp. 397-411
Author(s):  
Hans De Witte

In this article, we analyse the ideological differences between extreme rightwing parties and their voters in the Flemish and Walloon part of Belgium. Extreme right-wing ideology consists of five core elements:  (biological) racism, extreme ethnic nationalism, the leadership principle, anti-parliamentarianism and an anti-leftist attitude. All these attitudes refer to the basic value of rightwing extremism: the belief in the inequality of individuals and ( ethnic) groups.  An analysis of the ideology of the Vlaams Blok in Flanders shows that it adheres to these core elements of extreme right-wing ideology. An analysis of the attitudes and motives of the voters of this party, however, shows that they cannot be considered as right-wing extremists. The ideological gap between the Vlaams Blok and its electorate is due to the strategy of this party, since it cultivates 'two faces': a populist, moderate face in order to attract votes, and a radical extreme rightwingface in order to recruit and motivate militants. In Wallonia, less is known about the ideology of right-wing parties and that of their voters. Current research however, suggests that the conclusions from Flemish research may very well be generalized to Wallonia as well.


1972 ◽  
Vol 1 (4) ◽  
pp. 291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Edward W. Lehman ◽  
Seymour Martin Lipset ◽  
Earl Raab

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Tomáš Profant

Development cooperation or aid is often perceived as a form of charity or a good deed that is being carried out only with the best intentions. Racism, on the other hand, is most often connected with right wing extremism (even though in Slovakia it is connected also with the wider political center). The basic assumption of this theoretical article is the opposite. One can find racism also in development and development cooperation. The article tries to answer the following question: What are the main forms of racism in development and development cooperation? On the basis of the extant and my own research the article categorizes the forms of racism in development and development cooperation and identifies the three main ones: development discourse, structural racism connected with the racially differentiated global capitalist system and an everyday racism connected with racially biased institutions. The conclusion poses a question regarding the way one may fight these forms of racism and briefly answers it.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document