The Social Origins of Political Regionalism: France, 1849-1981.William Brustein

1989 ◽  
Vol 95 (1) ◽  
pp. 222-223
Author(s):  
John Markoff
Keyword(s):  
1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


1977 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-376 ◽  
Author(s):  
John F. Galliher ◽  
Allynn Walker
Keyword(s):  

2018 ◽  
Vol 79 (9) ◽  
pp. 42-47
Author(s):  
E. A. Frolova

The article presents the linguostylistic analysis of the story «Sluchai na stantsii Kochetovka» by A.I. Solzhenitsyn. Its aim is to show how the true-believing man can commit double homicide – bodily and moral. The author analyses the reasons of the character’s moral lapse possibility, defend language means that can discover the social origins of crashing human in a person.


Author(s):  
Elisabeth Schimpfössl

The opening chapter explores the paradox of a Russian bourgeoisie emerging out of the Soviet elite. It deals with the ways in which these individuals navigated the years of post-Soviet social transformation. Many of the characters in this book were born into socially privileged, highly educated, nonmoneyed Soviet elite. Some used their science vocations and leadership positions in the Komsomol to launch their business careers, exploiting their insider status to gain access to the corridors of power and to foreign-currency bank accounts. While it did help in the climate of the 1990s to be aggressive, wily, and not overly principled, it was more important to have privileged social origins. The new rich used the social assets they had to hand, were quick to recognize which parts of their expertise and skill sets were of no further value in the turmoil, and realigned their resources accordingly.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 (53) ◽  
pp. 25-40
Author(s):  
Fabio Perocco

Abstract During the last two decades of rising anti-migrant racism in Europe, Islamophobia has proven to be the highest, most acute, and widely spread form of racism. The article shows how anti-migrant Islamophobia is a structural phenomenon in European societies and how its internal structure has specific social roots and mechanisms of functioning. Such an articulate and interdependent set of key themes, policies, practices, discourses, and social actors it is intended to inferiorise and marginalise Muslim immigrants while legitimising and reproducing social inequalities affecting the majority of them. The article examines the social origins of anti-migrant Islamophobia and the modes and mechanisms through which it naturalises inequalities; it focuses on the main social actors involved in its production, specifically on the role of some collective subjects as anti-Muslim organizations and movements, far-right parties, best-selling authors, and the mass-media.


1974 ◽  
Vol 68 (2) ◽  
pp. 561-571 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy A. Tilton

Implicit in Dahrendorf's Society and Democracy in Germany and explicit in Moore's Social Origins of Dictatorship and Democracy are respectively a liberal and a radical model of democratic development. Neither of these models adequately accounts for the experience of Sweden, a remarkably successful “late developer.” Although Swedish industrialization proceeded with little public ownership of the means of production, with limited welfare programs until the 1930s, and above all with restricted military expenditure—all factors Dahrendorf implies are crucial for democratic development—it did not produce the traditional liberal infrastructure of bourgeois entrepreneurs nor a vigorous open market society. Similarly only three of Moore's five preconditions for democracy obtained in Sweden: a balance between monarchy and aristocracy, the weakening of the landed aristocracy, and the prevention of an aristocratic-bourgeois coalition against the workers and peasants. There was no thorough shift toward commercial agriculture and, most important, there was no revolutionary break with the past. Consequently, one has to evolve a radical liberal model of development which states the conditions for the emergence of democracy in Sweden without revolution. This model contains implications for the further modernization of American politics.


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