The Dock Worker: An Analysis of Conditions of Employment and Industrial Relations in the Port of Manchester.T. S. Simey

1956 ◽  
Vol 61 (5) ◽  
pp. 512-512
Author(s):  
Robert H. Guest
1999 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 184-200
Author(s):  
Chuks Okpaluba

When the Industrial Relations Act was enacted in Swaziland in 1980 its express object was to provide for the collective negotiation of terms and conditions of employment and for the establishment of an Industrial Court for the settlement of disputes arising out of employment. In turn, the avowed purpose for the establishment of the Industrial Court as the nerve centre and most important institution established by the legislative scheme was, and still is, “for the furtherance, securing and maintenance of good industrial relations and employment conditions in Swaziland”. As in the case of other industrial courts and labour adjudicatory institutions with special and limited jurisdiction elsewhere, issues surrounding the jurisdiction of the Industrial Court of Swaziland have given rise to a measure of controversy.


1992 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 294-318 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Turnbull

Throughout the post-war period dockers have vied with coal miners as Britain's most strike-prone occupational group. The dockers' ‘occupational culture’ was believed by many to be a principal factor behind this militancy, but this alone cannot account for the pattern or level of conflict on the waterfront. Furthermore, following decasualisation in 1967 and the progressive unitisation of cargo handling operations in the 1970s and 1980s the occupational culture of the dockers was progressively undermined. By the late 1980s the National Dock Labour Scheme had become the central pillar of what remained of the dockers' occupational culture, and as the 1989 national dock strike illustrated, without the support of the Scheme the dockers were unable to mount any effective resistance to the attack on their terms and conditions of employment initiated by the employers and fully supported by the state. It is only by integrating the sociological study of working class imagery and consciousness with an industrial relations analysis of the institutions, processes and structural conditions of workplace negotiations over the wage-effort bargain that it is possible to explain the nature and causes of dock strikes per se, the intensity of conflict on the waterfront, and the consummate failure of the dockers in the 1989 strike.


2006 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rabiu Sani Shatsari ◽  
Kamal Halili Hassan

Collective bargaining is the best mechanism to attain a cordial relationship between employers and employees. It is also an effective forum to agree on terms and conditions of employment. In order to achieve such purposes, industrial relations systems in a country must provide legal mechanism to enable parties to bargain collectively with a view to concluding a collective agreement. The ILO has adopted a convention providing a framework for member states to enact laws that would facilitate such a mechanism. In this respect, Malaysia has enacted the Industrial Relations Act 1967, which provides among others a mechanism for collective bargaining. In this article we argue on the extent of the right of Malaysian workers to collective bargaining in the context of the ILO standards. Here we argue that despite the legal mechanism available that facilitates collective bargaining between the two parties, Malaysian workers and their trade unions face some difficulties in bargaining with their employers.


1979 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 214
Author(s):  
D.H. Young

The unique Australian system of controlling industrial relations matters was created in the early 1900's against a background of disastrous national strikes in the 1890's and during the formation of the Commonwealth of Australia.The Australian Constitution was framed to include specific powers to protect the country and the general public from the consequences of industrial disputes between employers and employees by requiring conciliation processes to be followed and, if they failed, for compulsory arbitration of the dispute.The division of powers between the Commonwealth and State Governments causes complications and inconsistencies and has highlighted the intrusion of political considerations into industrial relations problems.The Commonwealth and most State Governments have created systems based on registered organisations of employers and employees. Registration is intended to create rights and obligations and to result in responsible bodies being subject to the enforcement procedures of the arbitration tribunals. Registration also delineates the scope of membership coverage and the industries in which the registered bodies may operate. In theory, there should be no overlapping of registered constitutions and therefore no demarcation or "jurisdictional" type disputes. A major problem has been created by registration based on crafts or occupations instead of on an industry basis. This has resulted in up to 15 or more unions having members in, even, medium sized establishments.The recent trend has been towards amalgamations of employer and employee organisations and the formation of "peak" employer and employee councils-the CAI and the ACTU. The activities of these Councils is leading to a centralised system of wage fixation and towards common standards of conditions of employment with deviations only to meet special circumstances. This tends to cause any change in wage rates or conditions of employment in any one area to "flow" into other areas and industries on a "comparative wage justice" basis.The expansion of onshore exploration and development of the hydrocarbons industry into offshore areas has resulted in more unions becoming involved in the industry, with inconsistencies between land based and maritime unions in approaches to construction and production work.Much work will be required by employers and their organisations within the hydrocarbons industry to overcome the industrial relations difficulties that will arise at interfaces between them and other well established industries.


2010 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 151-182 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stein Evju

AbstractThe Posted Workers Directive was controversial from the outset, and the recent case law from the Court of Justice has made it even more so. In this chapter, the backdrop, genesis, drafting and adoption of the Posted Workers Directive are first considered in turn in order to place it in its context. The Court of Justice’s case law is then considered and contrasted with this background and elaboration of the Directive as it was adopted. The present situation under the Posted Workers Directives is also compared with public international law norms, ILO Conventions and the European Social Charter, and the impact of the Directive in Scandinavia is considered. It is concluded that the case law of the Court of Justice is problematic because of the fact that a normative framework results from its decisions which impinges upon fundamental features of collective labour law and industrial relations: it both entails restrictions on the kinds of terms and conditions of employment which can be imposed, and encroaches upon freedom of collective bargaining more broadly. The autonomy of Member States is also limited and the effectiveness of national industrial relations regimes compromised, which is a highly undesirable outcome.


1970 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Brosnan ◽  
Frank Wilson

A key feature of the present government's economic strategy has been to directly, and indirectly, undermine pay and conditions of employment. Unemployment, although an inevitable by-product of the government's industrial and monetary-fiscal policies, has been blamed on the wage fixing system and on the levels of pay. In tum, the government and employer interests have been able to use the growth of unemployment as a legitimization of their attacks on the pay fixing system and the level of pay. Real wages, both gross and net, are now lower on average than when the present government was first elected in 1984 and the thrust of current government policy is to lower them further. This decline in real gross wages has been far from evenly shared. While the lowest quintile of wage earners experienced a fall in real income of 3.5 percent between September 1984 and the end of 1987, the top quintile experienced an increase of 1.1 percent. Real net wages for the lowest quintile fell by 0.4 percent while those of the top quintile rose 4.5 percent (Brosnan and Wilkinson, 1989, Table 2).


1976 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gordon Williams

In New Zealand wage fixing was institutionalised at a very early stage in the economic development of the country. New Zealand wanted its workers and employers to be nurtured and controlled by legislation, and wages and conditions of employment and disputes concerning these matters determined within a compulsory system of industrial conciliation and arbitration. Under these procedures the Court of Arbitration in the early period of industrial relations in New Zealand played a very positive part in the determination of the level of wages in the contract of employment.


2012 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 505-525 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Sappey ◽  
Glenda Maconachie

This article is a response to Lansbury’s call (2009) in this journal for a re-conceptualization of work and employment. It supports Lansbury’s belief that the employment relationship cannot be understood in isolation from wider social change. Building on the tradition of emotional labour and aesthetic labour, this study introduces theoretically and empirically the concept of “ocularcentric labour” (the worker seeking the adoring gaze of the client as the primary employment reward). This paper seeks to establish: the empirical generalizability of ocularcentric labour; its conceptual differentiation with aesthetic and emotional labour; and the implications of ocularcentric labour for industrial relations and collective interest representation. Through a study of the employment relationship in the commercial health and fitness industry in Queensland (Australia), we identify this new type of labour as one in which the worker’s primary goal is to seek the psycho-social rewards gained from exposing their own body image. This quest shapes the employment relationship (both the organization of work and the conditions of employment). We argue that for many fitness workers the goal is to gain access to the positional economy of the fitness centre to promote their celebrity. For this they are willing to trade-off standard conditions of employment and direct earnings, and exchange traditional employment rewards for the more intrinsic psycho-social rewards gained through the exposure of their physical capital to the adoration of their gazing clients. As one worker said “You don’t do this for money.” Significantly, with ocularcentric labour the worker becomes both the site of production and consumption. The study draws on quantitative and qualitative data captured from the Australian health and fitness industry with one snapshot taken in 1993 and another in 2008. The conclusion draws together the key conceptual and empirical points and findings and examines the implications for the conceptualization of IR in the contemporary economy.


Humaniora ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 203
Author(s):  
Iron Sarira

The research aimed to find out the intrinsic meaning and pragmatic interests of the concept of Compulsory Company Manpower Report (CCMR) and how the principle basis of Law Number 7 Year 1981 affected philosophical validity in realizing industrial relation in accordance with Pancasila. The research applied a qualitative method with textual analysis. The media of research was CCMR, which was one of the minimum macro aspects (work norm) in labor inspection as regulated in Law Number 7 Year 1981 aiming to implement the policy of work opportunity expansion and work protection as mandated by Article 27 paragraph (1) of the 1945 Constitution. The results report the conditions of employment within a company having historical and meaningful substances as the 1945 Constitution states the existence of equality in law and government for every citizen, and each citizen shall uphold the law and government as a manifestation of an active role of citizenship. The applicability of a positive norm cannot be separated from its juridical, sociological, and philosophical requirements. Many opinions reveal that CCMR is only for operational administrative fulfillment. Meanwhile, there is a philosophical basis of CCMR that reaches to the idea about conceptions in work opportunity and labor protection to realize harmonious, dynamic, and fair industrial relations in accordance with Pancasila.


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