Determinants of Students' Perceptions of Conventional and Unconventional War Threats

2012 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 228-246 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shaul Kimhi ◽  
Yohanan Eshel
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
pp. 096834451987197
Author(s):  
Yu Sakai

By focusing on unconventional war imagery of the Russo-Japanese War (1904-1905) in The Wartime Graphic, a widely popular pictorial war magazine in Japan, this article uncovers an art of publishing critical materials under the difficult circumstances of modern total war. The magazine’s contents suggest that it was a ‘masquerading’ media which provided critical cultural space while circumventing censorship. Examining the space and expressions in the middle ground, this article will shed light on considerable yet hitherto overlooked dimensions of wartime Japanese press and Japanese society, challenging dichotomous understandings of ‘pro-’ and ‘anti-’ war.


Author(s):  
Cathal Nolan

Modern war is often defined as armed conflict within, between, or among states, although other political communities partake of war: ethnic and religious groups, ideological movements, terrorist organizations, large drug gangs, and other “non-state actors.” The narrowest meaning used by historians is war as the art and science and record of military operations. More general discourse sub-classifies war according to an ascending scale of participation—rebellion, insurrection, insurgency, guerrilla war, civil war, and regional war—culminating in three synonyms for armed conflict at the largest scale: systemic war, global war, and world war. War is also categorized by the types of weapons used to conduct it, as in the terms “conventional war” and “unconventional war.” A controversial distinction is made between limited war and total war, in which wars are typed by scope, the declared or discerned objectives of participants, and the degree to which militaries target civilians, enemy morale, or economic infrastructure. Social science literature defines a minimal threshold of mass political violence as war, as opposed to riot or other communal use of force, if deaths reach one thousand. That is an arbitrary definition, not universally accepted or normally employed by historians.


2003 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 30-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
Neta C. Crawford

The Bush administration's arguments in favor of a preemptive doctrine rest on the view that warfare has been transformed. As Colin Powell argues, “It's a different world … it's a new kind of threat.” And in several important respects, war has changed along the lines the administration suggests, although that transformation has been under way for at least the last ten to fifteen years. Unconventional adversaries prepared to wage unconventional war can conceal their movements, weapons, and immediate intentions and conduct devastating surprise attacks. Nuclear, chemical, and biological weapons, though not widely dispersed, are more readily available than they were in the recent past. And the everyday infrastructure of the United States can be turned against it as were the planes the terrorists hijacked on September 11, 2001. Further, the administration argues that we face enemies who “reject basic human values and hate the United States and everything for which it stands.” Although vulnerability could certainly be reduced in many ways, it is impossible to achieve complete invulnerability.


Death Studies ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Avigdor Klingman ◽  
Zehava Goldstein
Keyword(s):  
Gulf War ◽  

European View ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 62-70
Author(s):  
Eitvydas Bajarūnas

This article discusses hybrid threats and the steps that Europe, through various national, EU and NATO initiatives, has taken in recent years to address them. Although these threats do not constitute a new challenge for states and international actors, they became a major concern for European countries following Russia’s conventional and unconventional war in Ukraine in 2014. The article argues that addressing hybrid threats is a constant, never-ending process that requires the development of societal and governmental resilience. Hybrid threats are constantly changing and evolving, which means that our response to them also needs to be constantly evolving in order to keep up. The article also provides some recommendations for European policymakers on the next steps that Europe, especially the EU, should take when addressing hybrid threats.


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