Coordinated bare nouns in French, Spanish and European Portuguese

Author(s):  
Christina Märzhäuser
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ana Rita Sá-Leite ◽  
Juan Haro ◽  
Montserrat Comesaña ◽  
Isabel Fraga

Grammatical gender processing during language production has classically been studied using the so-called picture-word interference (PWI) task. In this procedure, participants are presented with pictures they must name using target nouns while ignoring superimposed written distractor nouns. Variations in response times are expected depending on the congruency between the gender values of targets and distractors. However, there have been disparate results in terms of the mandatory character of an agreement context to observe competitive gender effects and the interpretation of the direction of these effects in Romance languages, this probably due to uncontrolled variables such as animacy. In the present study, we conducted two PWI experiments with European Portuguese speakers who were asked to produce bare nouns. The percentage of animate targets within the list was manipulated: 0, 25, 50, and 100%. A gender congruency effect was found restricted to the 0% list (all targets were inanimate). Results support the selection of gender in transparent languages in the absence of an agreement context, as predicted by the Gender Acquisition and Processing (GAP) hypothesis (Sá-Leite et al., 2019), and are interpreted through the attentional mechanisms involved in the PWI paradigm, in which the processing of animate targets would be favored to the detriment of distractors due to biological relevance and semantic prioritization.


2017 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
pp. 173-196 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mayara Nicolau De Paula

Com base na Teoria de Princípios e Parâmetros (CHOMSKY, 1995), apresento uma análise diacrônica das interrogativas-Q do Português Europeu (PE) seguida de uma comparação com as mesmas estruturas no Português Brasileiro (PB). Paralelamente, faço uma breve análise dos padrões de interrogativas-Q em entrevistas sociolinguísticas gravadas em dois momentos (anos 1970/80 e 2010). A hipótese inicial, a partir de descrições recentes de base teórica, era a de que a ordem QVS no PE seria a mais frequente, enquanto a ordem QSV estaria sempre condicionada à presença da clivagem. Sujeitos de 1ª. e 2ª. pessoas bem como os anafóricos seriam preferencialmente nulos no PE, um sistema descrito como de sujeito nulo consistente. Nesse aspecto, o PE teria um comportamento diferente do PB, que perdeu a ordem QVS, hoje atestada apenas em estruturas com verbos inacusativos, desde que o sujeito seja um DP lexical, uma mudança paralela à remarcação do valor do Parâmetro do Sujeito Nulo no PB. A amostra analisada para o estudo diacrônico é constituída de peças portuguesas escritas ao longo dos séculos 19 e 20, comparável à amostra brasileira que nos serve de ponto comparação. No caso das entrevistas sociolinguísticas, foram utilizadas as amostras NURC e Concordância para o PB, e Cordial-Sin e Concordância para o PE. A metodologia para o tratamento dos dados segue o modelo variacionista (TAGLIAMONTE, 2006; GUY E ZILLES, 2007). Os resultados mostram que o PE prefere o padrão QV, com sujeitos nulos; quanto aos sujeitos expressos, a ordem QVS é o padrão preferido; observamos, no entanto, uma curva descendente no último quartel do século 20, sugerindo o início de uma competição com QSV, desencadeada pela entrada da clivagem, a partir da segunda metade do século 19. Uma vez introduzida no sistema, a clivagem se expande para os três padrões de interrogativas-Q, o que é confrmado pelos dados da fala contemporânea.


Author(s):  
Norma Schifano

Chapter 3 extends the investigation of verb placement to other Romance varieties, in order to expand the macro- and micro-typologies identified in Chapter 2. It starts with a description of the placement of the present indicative verb across a selection of varieties of French, Romanian, Spanish, Catalan, European Portuguese, and Brazilian Portuguese. Following the methodology of Chapter 2, the remainder of the discussion is devoted to the description of cases of microvariation attested across the varieties above, which emerge once a selection of structural and interpretative distinctions are considered, such as lexical and auxiliary verbs, ‘have’ and ‘be’ auxiliaries, finite and non-finite verbs (cf. participle and infinitive), as well as a selection of modally, temporally, and aspectually marked forms (e.g. subjunctive, conditional, past, future, imperfect).


2021 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-29
Author(s):  
Peter Auer ◽  
Vanessa Siegel

While major restructurings and simplifications have been reported for gender systems of other Germanic languages in multiethnolectal speech, this article demonstrates that the three-way gender distinction of German is relatively stable among young speakers from an immigrant background. We investigate gender in a German multiethnolect based on a corpus of approximately 17 hours of spontaneous speech produced by 28 young speakers in Stuttgart (mainly from Turkish and Balkan background). German is not their second language, but (one of) their first language(s), which they have fully acquired from childhood. We show that the gender system does not show signs of reduction in the direction of a two-gender system, nor of wholesale loss. We also argue that the position of gender in the grammar is weakened by independent innovations, such as the frequent use of bare nouns in grammatical contexts where German requires a determiner. Another phenomenon that weakens the position of gender is the simplification of adjective-noun agreement and the emergence of a generalized gender-neutral suffix for prenominal adjectives (that is, schwa). The disappearance of gender and case marking in the adjective means that the grammatical category of gender is lost in Adj + N phrases (without a determiner).


2008 ◽  
Vol 50 (11-12) ◽  
pp. 925-952 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paula Martins ◽  
Inês Carbone ◽  
Alda Pinto ◽  
Augusto Silva ◽  
António Teixeira

PLoS ONE ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (12) ◽  
pp. e0209852 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rute Canejo-Teixeira ◽  
Pedro Armelim Almiro ◽  
James A. Serpell ◽  
Luís V. Baptista ◽  
Maria M. R. E. Niza

Target ◽  
2000 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandra Assis Rosa

Abstract Focussing on the pragmatic dimension of literary dialogue in narrative fiction, this paper analyses: (a) the negotiation of power carried out by characters and the way it is relayed in the text as signalled by forms of address; and (b) the negotiation performed by the translator in order to reproduce a power relation when dealing with the cultural and social environments of the source- and the target-language texts. By analysing one hundred years of Robinson Crusoe translated into European Portuguese (189– to 1992) the paper will attempt to reveal a possible historical development of translational norms and the way in which the historical, cultural and social environments may have influenced them.


Author(s):  
Luciana Albuquerque ◽  
Catarina Oliveira ◽  
António Teixeira ◽  
Pedro Sa-Couto ◽  
Daniela Figueiredo

2021 ◽  
Vol 0 (0) ◽  
Author(s):  
Augusto Soares da Silva ◽  
Susana Afonso ◽  
Dafne Palú ◽  
Karlien Franco

Abstract Se constructions designate a set of polysemous constructions along a transitivity continuum marked by the clitic se that perform various functions: reflexive/reciprocal, middle, anticausative, passive, and impersonal. A counterpart of these constructions without the clitic – the null se construction – is also attested. Based on an extensive usage-feature and profile-based analysis, and using multivariate statistical methods, we analyze, considering Cognitive Grammar, the conceptual, structural, and lectal factors that determine the choice between overt and null se constructions. The results of the study show that the null constructions are far more frequent in Brazilian (BP) than in European Portuguese (EP). In BP, the focus on the moment of change is a crucial factor for the overt/null variation in reflexive/reciprocal, middle, anticausative, and impersonal constructions. If the moment of the change of state is profiled, the overt se construction is usually produced. If the moment of change is not profiled, the null se construction is preferred. External factors also play a role in the variation. Register is an important predictor for the observed variation of the anticausative construction, and the only predictor for the overt/null variation in the case of the passive construction. In EP, the null se variant is mainly limited to anticausative constructions. In all cases of null constructions, there is a shift to an absolute construal, which has an impact on the way that the transitivity continuum is conceptualized.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document