Review of Anderson (2006): Auxiliary Verb Constructions

2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 234-238
Author(s):  
Elly van Gelderen
Author(s):  
James Hye Suk Yoon

The syntax of Korean is characterized by several signature properties. One signature property is head-finality. Word order variations and restrictions obey head-finality. Korean also possesses wh in-situ as well as internally headed relative clauses, as is typical of a head-final language. Another major signature property is dependent-marking. Korean has systematic case-marking on nominal dependents and very little, if any, head-marking. Case-marking and related issues, such as multiple case constructions, case alternations, case stacking, case-marker ellipsis, and case-marking on adjuncts, are front and center properties of Korean syntax as viewed from the dependent-marking perspective. Research on these aspects of Korean has contributed to the theoretical understanding of case and grammatical relations in linguistic theory. Korean is also characterized by agglutinative morphosyntax. Many issues in Korean syntax straddle the morphology-syntax boundary. Korean morphosyntax constitutes a fertile testing ground for ongoing debates about the relationship between morphology and syntax in domains such as coordination, deverbal nominalizations (mixed category constructions), copula, and other denominal constructions. Head-finality and agglutinative morphosyntax intersect in domains such as complex/serial verb and auxiliary verb constructions. Negation, which is a type of auxiliary verb construction, and the related phenomena of negative polarity licensing, offer important evidence for crosslinguistic understanding of these phenomena. Finally, there is an aspect of Korean syntax that reflects areal contact. Lexical and grammatical borrowing, topic prominence, pervasive occurrence of null arguments and ellipsis, as well as a complex system of anaphoric expressions, resulted from sustained contact with neighboring Sino-Tibetan languages.


2014 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hannah S. Sarvasy

AbstractThe verbal categories of Finisterre-Huon Papuan languages Awara, Ma Manda, Nek, and Nungon are typologically remarkable in several ways. Their tense systems have multiple subdivisions within past and future tenses. Tense is fused with number, but the number system varies depending on tense, with the most number values distinguished in the future tenses. Immediate and delayed imperatives are distinguished, with the immediate imperative implying brusqueness and the delayed imperative implying politeness. Aspect is generally encoded analytically, with auxiliary verb constructions, although some languages mark habitual aspect through a verbal suffix. Surprisingly, medial verbs may mark more aspectual distinctions than final verbs. Finally, although grammatical evidentiality is not widely known to exist in Papuan languages of northeastern New Guinea, non-firsthand evidentiality is found to be entwined with verbal aspect marking in both Awara and Nungon. The four Finisterre-Huon (FH) Papuan languages represented in this volume – Awara, Ma Manda, Nek, and Nungon – bring to light many of the unique typological characteristics of this group of under-described languages. The papers presented here offer a sense of the commonalities and differences found in the verbal inflectional systems of FH languages. This introduction provides general background on FH languages, and summarizes some of the points of convergence and divergence among the languages discussed in this volume.


2010 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-35 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oliver Bond

Mismatches in the morphosyntactic features of controllers and targets in the Eleme (Ogonoid, Niger-Congo) participant reference system allow for a subject agreement paradigm in which the person of the grammatical subject is indicated by a verbal prefix, while plural number is marked by a suffix on different targets — either lexical verbs or auxiliaries — based on the person value of the controller. I examine the distribution of Eleme ‘Default Subject’ agreement affixes and the intra-paradigmatic asymmetry found between second-person plural and third-person plural subjects in Auxiliary Verb Constructions (AVC) and Serial Verb Constructions (SVC). I argue that the criteria by which the various agreement affixes select an appropriate morphological host can be modelled in terms of agreement prerequisites even when distributional variation is paradigm internal.


2009 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
pp. 252-256
Author(s):  
Elly van Gelderen

2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (1) ◽  
pp. 76-90
Author(s):  
Jérémie Kouadio N'Guessan

This article demonstrates, from morphological and syntactic facts, the existence of serial verbs in Baoule. The analysis illustrates the difference between serial verb constructions, simple conjoined verbs, and auxiliary verb/nominalized verb constructions. The author proposes that serial verbs do not constitute a homogeneous category in Baoule. In order to deal efficiently with serial verbs, it is necessary to combine morphosyntactic features with lexical information.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Miryam de Lhoneux ◽  
Sara Stymne ◽  
Joakim Nivre

There is a growing interest in investigating what neural NLP models learn about language. A prominent open question is the question of whether or not it is necessary to model hierarchical structure. We present a linguistic investigation of a neural parser adding insights to this question. We look at transitivity and agreement information of auxiliary verb constructions (AVCs) in comparison to finite main verbs (FMVs). This comparison is motivated by theoretical work in dependency grammar and in particular the work of Tesnière (1959), where AVCs and FMVs are both instances of a nucleus, the basic unit of syntax. An AVC is a dissociated nucleus, it consists of at least two words, and an FMV is its non-dissociated counterpart, consisting of exactly one word.We suggest that the representation of AVCs and FMVs should capture similar information. We use diagnostic classifiers to probe agreement and transitivity information in vectors learned by a transition-based neural parser in four typologically different languages. We find that the parser learns different information about AVCs and FMVs if only sequential models (BiLSTMs) are used in the architecture but similar information when a recursive layer is used. We find explanations for why this is the case by looking closely at how information is learned in the network and looking at what happens with different dependency representations of AVCs. We conclude that there may be benefits to using a recursive layer in dependency parsing and that we have not yet found the best way to integrate it in our parsers.


Author(s):  
Michinori Shimoji

This chapter explores the V-V complexes in the Irabu dialect of Miyako Ryukyuan, spoken in Okinawa Prefecture, Japan. Two major classes of V-V complexes are identified: phrasal V-V complexes (Auxiliary Verb Constructions and Serial Verb Constructions) and one-word V-V complexes (lexical and syntactic compounds). After a detailed description of these structures, they are compared with the V-V complexes in Japanese. Finally, it is argued that the descriptive data of Irabu has implications for diachronic studies, especially the ongoing debate in Japanese historical linguistics with regard to whether one-word V-V complexes existed in Old Japanese.


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