Reference tracking in Tima and its interplay with split ergative marking

Gertrud Schneider-Blum; Birgit Hellwig

doi:10.1075/sl.17030.sch

Reference tracking in Tima and its interplay with split ergative marking

Studies in Language ◽

10.1075/sl.17030.sch ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 42 (4) ◽

pp. 970-993 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Gertrud Schneider-Blum ◽

Birgit Hellwig

Keyword(s):

Initial Position ◽

Direct Object ◽

Reference Tracking ◽

Constituent Order ◽

Split Ergativity ◽

Focus Marking

Abstract Tima, a Niger-Congo language of the Sudan, shows signs of split ergativity. If its constituent order deviates from the basic AVO order to OVA order, the postverbal agent is formally marked, unlike preverbal agents. A direct object, regardless of its position relative to the verb, is never marked. Research so far has shown that ergative constructions are triggered by certain participant constellations in discourse. In particular, when the speaker keeps a non-agentive participant, more specifically a direct object, as the centre of attention in sentence-initial position, a newly introduced agent occurs postverbally and receives ergative marking. In addition, AOV and OAV constructions are attested, both involving focus marking.

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The Structural Source of Split Ergativity and Ergative Case in Georgian

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.8 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Léa Nash

Keyword(s):

Direct Object ◽

Transitive Verb ◽

Dependent Case ◽

Functional Head ◽

The Difference ◽

Split Ergativity

On the basis of the study of split ergativity in Georgian, this chapter defends a simple principle according to which the difference between a nominative and an ergative behaviour of the same language, and possibly across languages, consists in the capacity of the transitive subject to be theta-licensed, and by consequence case-licensed, in a position outside vP only in the nominative type. An outcome of this difference is that the transitive subject in ergative languages is licensed in vP, which is also the minimal domain containing the direct object. As both arguments of the transitive verb stay in vP, they are case-licensed by the same c-commanding functional head, according to the mechanism of Dependent Case (DC) assignment as originally proposed by Marantz (1991). The reason why one functional head marks two arguments in a language is due to the functional impoverishment between T and vP.

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Systematization and the origin of rules

Studies in Language ◽

10.1075/sl.26.3.04hai ◽

2002 ◽

Vol 26 (3) ◽

pp. 573-593 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

John Haiman

Keyword(s):

Language Change ◽

Sound Change ◽

Considerable Extent ◽

Design Features ◽

Complementary Distribution ◽

The World ◽

Functional Analog ◽

Constituent Order ◽

Focus Marking ◽

Germanic Languages

One of the design features of language is its systematicity: to a considerable extent, the rules of grammar relate not to the world outside, but only to other rules. They exist in autonomy from external motivations. Subject-verb inversion in the Germanic languages as a marker of interrogatives is a well-known example of such an externally unmotivated rule. The notion of systematization implies a process whereby such rules have evolved from pre-systematic externally motivated origins. In this particular case: Greenberg’s constituent order universal #11 proposed that only those languages with sentence-initial interrogative words will ever allow subject-verb inversion in questions. There is, however, an obvious functional basis for fronting question words: Jespersen’s principle of actuality. Moreover, of the languages which front question words, many demarcate focussed from presupposed material by a focus-marking flag. In other languages, it may be that the verb itself may function as such a flag, that is, subject-verb inversion may be the functional analog of a demarcative focus marker. The best evidence for the functional unity of focus marking and subject-verb inversion is their complementary distribution, sometimes within the same language. The genuine systematicity of subject-verb inversion may then be the outcome of functional external motivations, and a series of analogical steps. More generally, it may be that other aspects of the autonomization or emancipation of language can be explained by reference to processes that are attested in observed language change. Analogy leads to systematization (and possibly even to recursiveness), as ritualization leads to displacement, and its linguistic aspects (sound change and grammaticalization) lead to arbitrariness, discreteness, and double articulation.

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Accusative and Ergative in Hindi

10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198739371.013.4 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Anoop Mahajan

Keyword(s):

Relative Clauses ◽

Direct Object ◽

Case Marking ◽

Case Licensing ◽

Split Ergativity

This chapter examines the nature of case licensing of the direct object in ergative constructions in Hindi, a split ergative language. Split ergativity in Hindi is conditioned by aspect – perfective transitive constructions display ergative case marking while non-perfective clauses do not. The chapter argues that in Hindi the morphologically bare direct object in an ergative construction is case licensed by T(ense) and not by little v as argued recently by Legate (2008) and others. The evidence for this proposal comes from examining the syntax of perfective and imperfective prenominal relative clauses, an empirical domain in Hindi that has not been previously examined from the perspective of case licensing. The restrictions found on what arguments can be relativized in prenominal relative clauses provide crucial evidence for the nature of case licensing in Hindi participial clauses and that evidence in turn bears upon the nature of object case licensing in ergative constructions.

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Reversed ang-inversion and narrow focus marking in Tagalog

Studies in Language ◽

10.1075/sl.18034.nuh ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 43 (2) ◽

pp. 469-497

Author(s):

Patrick Nuhn

Keyword(s):

Word Order ◽

Field Work ◽

Initial Position ◽

Narrow Focus ◽

Focus Marking

Abstract In Tagalog, an argument that is in narrow focus can be fronted to the clause initial position, deviating from the default verb-initial word order. This so-called ang-inversion has been claimed to be obligatory (Nagaya, 2007) or at least the go-to strategy (Kaufman, 2005) of encoding narrow focus. There is, however, an alternative that has so far received little attention in the literature: reversed ang-inversion. Structurally, this construction can be understood as the result of combining two inversion constructions: ang-inversion and ay-inversion. As a consequence, the focal constituent appears at the end of the sentence rather than at the beginning. This article presents spoken data elicited during field work as well as written data on reversed ang-inversion. Comparing the use of regular and reversed ang-inversion indicates that discourse-structural considerations play an important role in construction choice between the two.

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Information focus, syntactic weight and postverbal constituent order in Spanish

Borealis – An International Journal of Hispanic Linguistics ◽

10.7557/1.2.2.2742 ◽

2013 ◽

Vol 2 (2) ◽

pp. 159 ◽

Cited By ~ 8

Author(s):

Steffen Heidinger

Keyword(s):

Direct Object ◽

Final Position ◽

Order Information ◽

Font Size ◽

Similar Extent ◽

Two Factors ◽

Constituent Order ◽

Information Focus

In Spanish, postverbal constituents – such as direct object, locative adjunct or depicitive – can be ordered in different ways (e.g. Juan bailó desnudo en su casa vs. Juan bailó en su casa desnudo). The present paper examines two possible factors for postverbal constituent order: information focus and syntactic weight. Based on data from a perception experiment it will be shown that information focus and syntactic weight indeed influence in postverbal constituent order in Spanish: both the focalization of a constituent and the increase of the weight of a constituent increase the frequency with which the respective constituent takes up the sentence final position. As concerns the strength of the two factors, our results suggest that information focus and syntactic weight influence in postverbal constituent order to a similar extent. As concerns the syntatic position of narrow information focus in Spanish, our results show that the sentence final position is the preferred position for narrowly focused constituents, but such constituents are not limited to the sentence final position.

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The Constituent Order ofHwæt-Clauses in Old English Prose

Journal of Germanic Linguistics ◽

10.1017/s1470542717000046 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 30 (1) ◽

pp. 1-42

Author(s):

Anna Cichosz

Keyword(s):

Old English ◽

Regular Variation ◽

Initial Position ◽

Corpus Analysis ◽

Free Relatives ◽

Lives Of Saints ◽

English Prose ◽

Subordinate Clauses ◽

Functional Differences ◽

Constituent Order

The aim of the present study is to conduct a comprehensive corpus analysis of the constituent order of main declarative clauses with the interjectionhwæt‘what’ in the clause-initial position in Old English prose texts. On the basis of his analysis of Ælfric'sLives of Saintsand Bede'sHistoria Ecclesiastica, Walkden (2013) claims that suchhwæt-clauses pattern with subordinate clauses with respect to their verb position. My study confirms Walkden's basic empirical findings thathwæt-clauses do not behave like typical main clauses as far as their constituent order is concerned. However, there are numerous differences between them and subordinate clauses introduced byhwæt, that is, free relatives and embedded questions. The analysis suggests that the conditions favoring the use of the V-final order in mainhwæt-clauses resemble the ones identified for ordinary V-final main clauses in Bech 2012. What is more, the study shows that the functional differences betweenhwæt-andhwæt þa-clauses noted in Brinton 1996 are blurred in Old English prose because of a regular variation betweenhwæt þa-S andhwæt-S-þapatterns. The data also suggest thatþainhwæt þa-clauses should rather be analyzed as an independent clause element.

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Questions on transitivity

Studies in Language ◽

10.1075/sl.35.3.03jen ◽

2011 ◽

Vol 35 (3) ◽

pp. 555-587 ◽

Cited By ~ 1

Author(s):

Gerd Jendraschek

Keyword(s):

Relative Clause ◽

Direct Object ◽

Complex Predicates ◽

Object Function ◽

Indirect Object ◽

Case Marking ◽

Subject Category ◽

Zero Anaphora ◽

Syntactic Status ◽

Focus Marking

This paper presents those areas of Iatmul morphosyntax that are relevant to a discussion of transitivity. Evidence for the syntactic status of subject and direct object as core arguments comes from S=O ambitransitive verbs, S/O pivots in complex predicates, switch reference, relative clause formation, agreement marking, and obligatory focus marking. In contrast, there is no evidence for the concept of an “indirect object”. Other relevant phenomena to be explored are case marking, verbs whose morphological make-up correlates with transitivity, zero anaphora, and coalescent nouns in complex predicates. In summary, if languages can be characterized by the extent to which they have grammaticalized the control cline between actor and undergoer, Iatmul can be located in the middle field, with a clear subject category, and a more variable direct object function, whose instantiation is primarily determined by semantic and pragmatic factors.

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Expression of narrow focus in spontaneous Estonian dialogues

Eesti ja soome-ugri keeleteaduse ajakiri Journal of Estonian and Finno-Ugric Linguistics ◽

10.12697/jeful.2017.8.2.12 ◽

2017 ◽

Vol 8 (2) ◽

pp. 351-370

Author(s):

Heete Sahkai

Keyword(s):

Narrow Focus ◽

Constituent Order ◽

A Minor ◽

Focus Marking

Estonian offers several means for expressing narrow focus, including a choice between a syntactic strategy resulting in marked constituent order, and a prosodic strategy resulting in marked nuclear accent placement. The present study examines the usage of the different focus-marking strategies in spontaneous dialogues, with the primary aim of verifying the hypothesis that when either the syntactic or the prosodic strategy must be used, the prosodic strategy is preferred. The results show an overwhelming preference for keeping both the constituent order and the accent placement unmarked. In the relatively small number of cases where either the syntactic or the prosodic strategy must be chosen, a slight preference for the prosodic strategy can be observed. There also exists a minor strategy of focus fronting, whereby both the constituent order and the nuclear accent placement are marked; the role of this strategy requires further study.Kokkuvõte. Heete Sahkai: Kitsa fookuse väljendamine eestikeelses suulises dialoogis. Eesti keel võimaldab väljendada kitsast fookust muuhulgas nii moodustajajärje kui primaarse lauserõhu asukoha abil. Artiklis vaadeldakse kitsa fookuse väljendamist reisibüroo dialoogides peamise eesmärgiga kontrollida hüpoteesi, et suulises kõnes eelistatakse süntaktilisele fookuse väljendamisele prosoodilist. Tulemused näitavad tugevat eelistust lausungite suhtes, kus on samaaegselt nii markeerimata moodustajajärg kui ka markeerimata prosoodia. Juhtumeid, kus tuleb valida kas markeeritud moodustajajärg või markeeritud prosoodia, on suhteliselt vähe ning nende põhjal võib järeldada, et prosoodiline markeerimine on tõepoolest mõnevõrra eelistatud. Edasist uurimist nõuab andmestikus vähesel määral esindatud lausealguline fookus, mille puhul on markeeritud nii moodustajajärg kui primaarse lauserõhu asukoht.Võtmesõnad: fookus; moodustajajärg; lauserõhk; eesti keel

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The Scope of the Focus Particle ʾInnamā in the Qurʾān

Advances in Language and Literary Studies ◽

10.7575/aiac.alls.v.9n.6p.200 ◽

2018 ◽

Vol 9 (6) ◽

pp. 200

Author(s):

Kai Borrmann ◽

Yehudit Dror

Keyword(s):

Noun Phrase ◽

Relative Clause ◽

Initial Position ◽

Prepositional Phrase ◽

Direct Object ◽

Modern Logic ◽

Symbolic Form ◽

Object A ◽

Clear Cut ◽

The Devil

According to traditional Arabic grammar, the particle ʾinnamā has two functions: it serves as an emphatic particle (ḥarfu taʾkīd) or as a particle of restriction (ḥarfu ḥaṣr) denoting “only.” Our research focuses on the restrictive function of ʾinnamā, particularly its scope. Scholars typically explain that ʾinnamā is restricted to clause-initial position, while it always effects the last component in that clause. Our examination raised several findings regarding this particle: First, sentences introduced by ʾinnamā are often categorical statements discussing what it takes to be a believer, an unbeliever; of being God, the Devil or the Prophet. It is therefore comparatively easy to interpret and paraphrase them as conditionals or “if... then” statements. Also, these universal affirmative or negative propositions lend themselves as premises for further deductions that might be drawn from them. Second, the scope of ʾinnamā is versatile ‒ it can be a noun phrase, a prepositional phrase or a verbal phrase followed by its direct object, a relative clause or a complete sentence. These distinctions are not always clear-cut; in some cases there is a choice between two possible domains or scopes, depending on the structure of the ʾinnamā clause. In most cases, however, the verses allow one interpretation only, which is reducible to a genuine symbolic form of modern logic notation.

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Postpositions in Munduruku (Tupi): Formal and Functional Features

Forma y Función ◽

10.15446/fyf.v32n2.80817 ◽

2019 ◽

Vol 32 (2) ◽

pp. 109-150

Author(s):

Dioney M. Gomes

Keyword(s):

Noun Phrases ◽

Direct Object ◽

Passive Voice ◽

Mato Grosso ◽

Functional Features ◽

Constituent Order ◽

Syntactic Relation ◽

Source Of Information

The Munduruku people live in the states of Pará and Amazonas, including a handful of residents in Mato Grosso, in Brazil. My research about the language takes place within the Munduruku population of Pará. It is a language of the Tupi stock, that belongs to the Munduruku family. It is of head-marking type. The most common constituent order is s(o)v. The arguments do not receive morphologic marks, usually occurring in noun phrases. The verb receives person marks, which indicate/co-refer subject and direct object. Our objective here is to present the inventory of the postpositions, in order to discuss the properties they share; what their structural and functional features are; and their participation in the passive voice, causative, subordination, modality, source of information, and locative and possessive predication. We also approach the isomorphism among postpositions, nouns and verbs; the syntactic relation that establishes the postpositional phrase with the rest of the sentence: whether argument or adjunct. Finally we will also reflect upon its typology.

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