Conflicts in comparison

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 52-74
Author(s):  
Anna Mattfeldt

Abstract In a globalised world, national discourses are also perceived and commented on in other countries and languages. This paper focuses on newspaper coverage of the 2014 Scottish independence referendum in both Scotland and Germany, comparing two print media corpora in two languages. The linguistic depiction of the arguments and conflicts in Scottish newspapers is compared to the discussion of Scottish independence in German newspapers. In order to find conflictive ‘hotspots’ in both corpora, adversative and concessive connectors of both languages are taken as a starting point for a comparative conflict-oriented discourse analysis in seven steps. Differences and similarities of the most important conflicting concepts as well as the role of stereotypes and language difference are then compared and discussed.

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 414
Author(s):  
Fatima Zafar Baig ◽  
Muhammad Zammad Aslam ◽  
Nadia Akram ◽  
Kashaf Fatima ◽  
Alisha Malik ◽  
...  

The researchers have explored the role of print media and social media to present the social, cultural and political ideologies through the support of liberal feminist women in Aurat March 2019–2020. Moreover, the researchers have identified the connection/s between the language and power in the construction of ideologies, specifically through the media (print and social media). Print media, specifically print social media, has a negative impact due to its lesser amount of validity and a positive keeping wide coverage. For this study, researchers took three articles from three different local newspapers about the specific topic “Aurat March”. These articles along with the posters (which were present in the specific articles) of Aurat March have been analyzed. The researchers collected the data through a qualitative approach and purposive sampling. The research is exploratory and multi-directional. Fairclough’s model of critical discourse analysis is used for the analysis. The findings of the study have suggested that media discourse is intentionally crafted to create specific ideologies. As media has created and represented different socio-cultural ideologies in Aurat March. Media can play a positive and negative role in language and power. However, the impact of the media’s ideologies is depending on the feedback of the concerned society.


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 87-97
Author(s):  
Ashawarie Karunanayake

Sri Lanka has experienced an ethnic conflict for nearly three decades (1983-2009). As of any conflict, military forces have played a key role by actively involving in the battlefield during this war. However, it was evident that during different phases of the war in Sri Lanka, the acceptance and the reputation of the armed forces by the civil society have subjected to a great extent of variation. Although protecting the country was their duty, criticisms directed against them because of their military actions. In this context, there was an active attempt to legitimize battle, and media was widely used as a platform for this process. Although a considerable number of literature and researches have been conducted to study the war in Sri Lanka, the lack of studies and literature regarding the soldiers is recognizable. Hence this study tried to fill that study gap by focusing on how print media was used to construct the image of the soldiers in the final phase of the war in Sri Lanka. Therefore, the objective of this study was to critically investigate the role of newspapers in terms of constructing the identity of soldiers during the final phase, from 2006 to 2009. This was based on a discourse analysis of the weekend Sinhala and English newspapers. This study revealed that, different identities have existed towards the soldiers. Furthermore, as another observed fact, the newspapers have widely highlighted and brought forward the humanitarian facet of these soldiers. However, this study was conducted based on the newspapers of only two official languages. This may lead to miss the perspectives from the Tamil newspapers which may have conveyed other opinions about the soldiers and their actions, during these periods.


2014 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-124 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Kopasker

Existing research has consistently shown that perceptions of the potential economic consequences of Scottish independence are vital to levels of support for constitutional change. This paper attempts to investigate the mechanism by which expectations of the economic consequences of independence are formed. A hypothesised causal micro-level mechanism is tested that relates constitutional preferences to the existing skill investments of the individual. Evidence is presented that larger skill investments are associated with a greater likelihood of perceiving economic threats from independence. Additionally, greater perceived threat results in lower support for independence. The impact of uncertainty on both positive and negative economic expectations is also examined. While uncertainty has little effect on negative expectations, it significantly reduces the likelihood of those with positive expectations supporting independence. Overall, it appears that a general economy-wide threat is most significant, and it is conjectured that this stems a lack of information on macroeconomic governance credentials.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 186-193
Author(s):  
REN YANYAN ◽  

The friendship between nations lies in the mutual affinity of the people, and the people’s affinity lies in the communion of hearts. The cultural and humanities cooperation between China and Russia has a long history. In recent years, under the role of the“Belt and Road” initiative, the SCO, and the Sino-Russian Humanities Cooperation Committee, Sino-Russian culture and humanities cooperation has continued to deepen. Entering a new era, taking the opportunity to promote Sino-Russian relations into a “new era China-Russia comprehensive strategic cooperative partnership”, the development of human relations between the two countries has entered a new historical starting point, while also facing a series of problems and challenges. This article is based on the current status of Sino-Russian human relations in the new era, interprets the characteristics of Sino-Russian human relations in the new era, analyzes the problems and challenges of Sino-Russian human relations in the new era, and tries to propose solutions and solutions with a view to further developing Sino-Russian cultural and humanities relations in the new era. It is a useful reference, and provides a reference for future related research, and ultimately helps the Sino-Russian cultural and humanities relations in the new era to be stable and far-reaching.


2020 ◽  
pp. 97-110
Author(s):  
E. N. Mikhailova ◽  
V. A. Telegina

The article is devoted to the study of evaluative tools used in modern French media in order to form the media image of a representative of the political elite. The techniques used in the creation of a memorial media portrait of Jacques Chirac (1932—2019), President of France from 1995 to 2007 are considered. The research material was the most prestigious French print media of various political orientations, published in late September — early October 2019 in connection with the death of the ex-President of the French Republic. The relevance of the research topic is dictated by the close attention of modern linguistics to axiological phenomena, differently presented in different types of discursive practices. The novelty of the study is due to the appeal to the analysis of the complex of evaluation tools used in the French print media when characterizing the former leader of the state during the nation’s farewell period. The estimated potential of the title of the article and its influence on the formation of the estimated vector of the entire text of the publication are shown. A systematic analysis of the assessment expression means, reflected in the memorial media portrait of the politician, is given. The factors that influenced the peculiarities of their use in this type of media portrait are revealed.


2015 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 44-62
Author(s):  
Laura Gómez Urquijo

The objective of this article is to contribute to the discussion on the validity of new instruments to enhance cohesion in the European Union (EU). First, we question to which extent cohesion policy is submitted to the new economic governance. Second, we discuss this subordination affects the fulfillment of cohesion aims. This question is especially relevant due to the increase of inequalities in the current economic crisis and the great diversity among State Members (including social protection systems and expenses). Thus, our starting point is the new economic governance framework and its impact on the fulfillment of cohesion objectives. Statistical data are considered with this aim. Next, we will assess the role of European Structural and Investment Funds to eventually compensate public expense cuts, as well as its subordination to the macroeconomic government. This aspect will be contrasted through the study of Country Specific Recommendations given by the European Semester. Spanish El objetivo de este artículo es contribuir a la discusión sobre la validez de los nuevos instrumentos para fomentar la cohesión en la Unión Europea. Nos preguntamos en qué modo queda sometida la política de cohesión a la nueva gobernanza económica y cómo afecta a la efectividad para cubrir susfines. Esta cuestión es particularmente relevante ante el incremento de las desigualdades suscitado en la crisis económica actual. Por ello, nuestro punto de partida es el nuevo marco de gobernanza económica y su impacto en el cumplimiento de los objetivos de cohesión, considerando para ello datos estadísticos. A continuación, valoraremos, el papel de los Fondos Estructurales y de Inversión Europeos como posibles compensadores de la reducción del gasto público así como su subordinación al gobierno macroeconómico. Esta cuestión será contrastada también a través del examen de las Recomendaciones Específicas por país dadas por el Semestre Europeo. French Le but de cet article est de contribuer à la discussion sur la validité de nouveaux instruments pour promouvoir la cohésion dans l'UE. Nous avons considéré, d'une part, en quoi la politique de cohésion est soumise à la nouvelle gouvernance économique et, d'autre part, la façon dont elle utilise l'efficacité pour répondre à ses fins.Cette question est particulièrement pertinente étant donnée l'augmentation de l'inégalité soulevée par la crise économique actuelle, dans un contexte de grande diversité d'États membres, notamment en ce qui concerne les systèmes de protection sociale et les dépenses publiques. Par conséquent, notre point de départ s'inscrit dans le nouveau cadre de gouvernance économique et son impact sur la mise en œuvre des objectifs de cohésion, à partir de la prise en compte de données statistiques. Pour ce faire, nous évaluons le rôle des Fonds Structurels Européens, leur capacité de compenser la réduction des dépenses publiques et leur subordination au gouvernement macroéconomique. Ce e question sera également abordée par l'examen des recommandations spécifiques par pays fournies par le Semestre Européen.


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