Straight to the people

2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
Orly Kayam

Abstract Research has shown that Donald Trump’s rhetorical style on Twitter differs significantly during the time he was a citizen, a presidential candidate and a president (Ott and Dickinson 2019). The aim of the current study is to characterize his rhetorical style on Twitter during the 2016 presidential race, in light of its potential to influence future campaigns in the U.S. and outside, and its implications on political and public discourse. The study presents a comprehensive analysis of Trump’s Twitter habits, using statistical analyses and a content analysis of all tweets posted on Trump’s Twitter account from the date he announced his presidential candidacy until he won the election. Analysing the results using framing theory reveals Trump’s main campaigning strategies on Twitter:(a) negative campaigning against his rivals and the establishment; (b) bypassing the traditional media; and (c) self-promotion. Trump used his Twitter far less frequently to express his vision or future plans.

2021 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 595-607
Author(s):  
David T. Konig

The controversy surrounding the Second Amendment—“the right of the people to keep and bear arms”—is, to a large extent, historical in nature, redolent of other matters in this country’s legal and constitutional past. But the historical analogies that might support the Amendment’s repeal do not permit easy conclusions. The issue demands that legal historians venture beyond familiar territory to confront unavoidable problems at the intersection of theory and practice and of constitutional law and popular constitutionalism. An interdisciplinary analysis of Lichtman’s Repeal the Second Amendment illuminates the political, legal, and constitutional dimensions—as well as the perils—of undertaking the arduous amending process permitted by Article V of the U.S. Constitution.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arun Jacob

The main objective behind the parliamentary practice of Question Period is to ensure that the government is held accountable to the people. Rather than being a political accountability tool and a showcase of public discourse, these deliberations are most often displays of vitriolic political rhetoric. I will be focusing my research on the ways in which incivil political discourse permeates the political mediascape with respect to one instance in Canadian politics - the acquisition of the F-35 Lightning II Joint Strike Fighter. I believe that incivility in the political discourse of Question Period must be understood within the mechanics of the contemporary public sphere. By interrogating the complexities of how political discourse is being mediatized, produced and consumed within the prevailing ideological paradigms, I identify some of the contemporary social, cultural and political practices that produce incivility in parliamentary discourse.


Author(s):  
Lawrence Baum ◽  
Neal Devins

Today’s ideological division on the U.S. Supreme Court is also a partisan division: all the Court’s liberals were appointed by Democratic presidents, all its conservatives by Republican presidents. That pattern never existed in the Court until 2010, and this book focuses on how it came about and why it’s likely to continue. Its explanation lies in the growing level of political polarization over the last several decades. One effect of polarization is that potential nominees will reflect the dominant ideology of the president’s political party. Correspondingly, the sharpened ideological division between the two political parties has given presidents stronger incentives to give high priority to ideological considerations. In addition to these well-known effects of polarization, The Company They Keep explores what social psychologists have taught us about people’s motivations. Justices take cues primarily from the people who are closest to them and whose approval they care most about: political, social, and professional elites. In an era of strong partisan polarization, elite social networks are largely bifurcated by partisan and ideological elites, and justices such as Clarence Thomas and Ruth Bader Ginsburg live in milieus populated by like-minded elites that reinforce their liberalism or conservatism during their tenure on the Supreme Court. By highlighting and documenting this development, the book provides a new perspective on the Court and its justices.


Author(s):  
Jacek Srokosz

The article presents the debate that took place between supporters and opponents of popular election of judges in the United States during the so-called “jacksonian democracy” (also called populist democracy) from the early thirties of the 19th century to the outbreak of the Civil War. Starting from the presidency Andrew Jackson, the political fight between mere people represented by the Democratic Party, and the elites whose interests defended the Whigs Party took place in the US. The subject of the dispute has become a demand for a broader participation of the people to exercise power and democratization of the existing oligarchic republic, through the extension of electoral rights and widespread elections as methods of casting most public office. One of the subjects of the dispute during the state constitutional conventions was the issue of popular elections of judges. The implementation of popular election system demanded Democrats emphasizing the importance of democratic legitimacy for the independence of the judiciary and the development of the Judicial Review. Against the popular elections of judges were Whigs convinced that this will lead to the fall of authority of the judiciary and make it subject of Parties' competition. The author indicates that the debate ended with the victory of democrat postulates and introducing the popular election of judges in most states. However, lawyers participating in constitutional conventions, representing both Democrats and Whigs, have introduced a number of institutions ensuring the independence of the judiciary and the possibility of effective implementation of the judicial review. Political changes from the period of Jakcson’s democracy have contributed to raising the authority of the judges and strengthened the role of judiciary in the American political system.


Author(s):  
Joe Rollins
Keyword(s):  

This chapter analyzes dissenting opinions from the U.S. Supreme Court’s rulings in Windsor and Obergefell. Although the procreation argument was used sparingly by the Court, it does appear in modest form. More important are the justices’ uses of the themes of power, privilege, and liberty to justify maintaining the silences surrounding their antigay animus. For the dissenting justices the Court’s rulings in both cases signify an expansion of “We the People” that is unacceptable, a move from which they explicitly distance themselves and represent themselves as victims of a powerful minority. Their masculine heterosexual privilege was compromised, and the dissenting justices took it personally.


Author(s):  
Adrian Miller

This chapter itemizes and elaborates on four different component parts (described in the book as "ingredients") that make-up presidential foodways. The first ingredient relates to the president: his or her palate, food philosophy, schedule, wealth and prerogative. The second ingredient involves the people who surround the president: the First Lady, the president's physician, and those who procure food for the White House. The third ingredient is White House culture: the workspace, kitchen equipment and technology, co-workers, perks, presidential pets, wildlife in and outside of the White House and racial attitudes. The fourth ingredient is the unexpected influences: the U.S. Congress, public perception, food gifts from the public, and the climate in Washington, D.C. The chapter includes recipes for roast ducks, popovers (a quick bread), and sweet potato cheesecake.


Author(s):  
Susanne Olsson

The chapter analyses the public discourse of a Swedish Salafi group, concerned with concrete social ills in the local community. The group is against violence, carrying out missionary activities focused on piety, correct practice and behaviour. Three topics are analysed using material from their YouTube-channel: 1) Reaching Paradise through Renunciation, 2) Establishing a Non-Violent Strategy, and 3) Social development. Through missionary activities (daʿwa), they respond to the current situation with foreign fighters, terrorism and gang criminality. The message is straightforward and self-assured as it attempts to disrupt the positive images some young people may have of violent lifestyles and create new role models to emulate. They are thereby striving to present a positive message: if people join their project of moral reform and renunciation, they will contribute to strengthening suburbs and create a peaceful environment. At the same time, in-group identity construction is strong and exclusionist.


Author(s):  
Craig Allen

Univision celebrates the 50th anniversary of Spanish-language television in 2012. The moment is occasioned by the first widespread public awareness of Spanish-language television and the large U.S. population is reaches and impacts. The first extensive criticism ensues. Conservative politicians attack the endeavor for dividing traditional U.S. society and for an alleged liberal bias. Believing it impedes Latinos’ success in the U.S., Governor Arnold Schwarzenegger urges them to turn off the Spanish TV set. Closer observers complain that banal and distant foreign programming fails to address the interests and needs of U.S. Latinos. They scorn Univision and Telemundo for reconfiguring U.S. Latinos of diverse nationalities into a “Pan Latinidad.” Many of the criticisms are not supported by the endeavor’s history. Yet at the time of the anniversary, more pertinent than the criticisms are unresolved questions. Latinos’ increasing preference for interactive digital media is fragmenting the audiences that Univision and Telemundo as traditional media once had amassed. Slowly foreseen is potentially the largest challenge, that the preponderance of younger “third generation” Latinos increasingly are inclined to speak English. Regardless of the future, the history of Spanish-language television will remain important as a light on a “television age” that is essential to understanding a U.S. that changed during a highly formative period in the nation’s history.


Author(s):  
Danny M. Adkison ◽  
Lisa McNair Palmer

This chapter assesses Article V of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns the legislative department. Section 1 states that “the Legislative authority of the State shall be vested in a Legislature, consisting of a Senate and a House of Representatives.” However, “the people reserve to themselves the power to propose laws and amendments to the Constitution and to enact or reject the same at the polls independent of the Legislature, and also reserve power at their own option to approve or reject at the polls any act of the Legislature.” Section 2 provides for the designation and definition of reserved powers. Initiative means the power of the people to propose bills, and to enact or reject them at the polls. Referendum is the right of the people to have bills passed by the legislature submitted to the voters for their approval. Meanwhile, in May 1964, the Oklahoma constitution was amended to conform to the U.S. Supreme Court rulings. The amendment passed and Sections 9 through 16 were replaced with Sections 9A through 11E. The chapter then details the provisions for the Senate and the House of Representatives.


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