Compounding and derivation

2017 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juana M. Liceras ◽  
Rachel Klassen

Abstract Inflectional affixes only adhere to the head of Noun-Noun (NN) compounds which implies that the plural of casa cuna (‘crib house’) or hombre lobo (‘werewolf’) is casa-s cuna (‘crib houses’) and hombre-s lobo (‘werewolves’) respectively, while *casa cuna-s and *hombre lobo-s ‒ with the plural inflectional affix on the modifier ‒ are ungrammatical. There seems to be more flexibility when it comes to derivational affixes since, in principle, the evaluative diminutive affix - ito appears to have scope over the whole compound, regardless of whether it is attached to the head or the modifier: cas-ita cuna / casa cun-ita and hombre-c-ito lobo / hombre lob-ito . This would imply that the operation that results in the expression of plurality of the whole word via the inflectional affix - s located on the semantic argument (the head of the compound), is more categorical than the one that regulates the scope of derivational morphemes (contra Zwicky, 1985). It would also imply that Cinque’s (2005) proposal according to which modifiers can c-command Nouns may be more in line with the behaviour of derivational affixes in Spanish NN compounds. Since this is a topic that has neither been discussed by Spanish grammarians nor received attention in the psycholinguistic literature, we have administered a Picture Selection Task with NN compounds exhibiting evaluative diminutive affixes to groups of L1 Spanish and L1 English-L2 Spanish speakers. Results show that for L1 Spanish speakers it is the affix on the head that has scope over the whole compound (in line with Zwicky’s 1985 proposal) while the L2 Spanish speakers treat derivational affixes as only having scope over the element to which they are attached.

Author(s):  
Alena Kirova ◽  
José Camacho

According to representational accounts (Hawkins & Franceschina, 2004), the inability to acquire abstract syntactic features after a critical period explains L2 difficulties with gender, while according to lexical accounts (Grüter et al. 2012; Hopp 2012), gender assignment issues – the inability to assigned to a target-like class accounts for these difficulties. We explore three potential agreement cues: 1) semantic gender relating to sex (e.g. ‘girl’ vs. ‘boy’) 2) morphophonological transparency cues, and 3) syntactic agreement cues. Semantic and morphophonological cues may facilitate gender agreement only for a subset of nouns, whereas agreement cues can do so for all nouns, including opaque gender nouns that do not have semantic gender. Seventeen low proficiency and sixteen high proficiency L1 English L2 Spanish speakers and seventeen native Spanish controls judged the grammaticality of 60 experimental sentences. We compared participants’ gender agreement accuracy and reaction times (RTs) on experimental items with and without semantic gender, and with and without transparent gender morphemes. Semantic gender did not serve as a cue for gender assignment/agreement; instead, it slowed down RTs in high proficiency and control participants. Morphophonological cues significantly increased accuracy and decreased RTs in all groups. Finally, agreement cues did not seem to help low proficiency learners, since their accuracy on opaque nouns was barely above chance. This suggests that they did not effectively use agreement cues to assign gender. By contrast, high proficiency learners exhibited native-like accuracy on opaque nouns. These findings support the lexical accounts of gender agreement difficulties, against the representational accounts.


Languages ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew Patience

The goals of this study were to investigate the developmental patterns of acquisition of the Spanish tap and trill by L1 Mandarin–L2 English–L3 Spanish speakers, and to examine the extent to which the L1 and the L2 influenced the L3 productions. Twenty L1 Mandarin–L2 English–L3 Spanish speakers performed a reading task that elicited production of rhotics from the speakers’ L3 Spanish, L2 English, and L1 Mandarin, as well as the L2 English flap. The least proficient speakers produced a single substitution initially, generally [l]. The same non-target segment was produced for both rhotics, mirroring the results of previous studies investigating L1 English–L2 Spanish speakers, indicating that this may be a universal simplification strategy. In contrast to previous work on L1 English speakers, the L1 Mandarin–L2 English–L3 Spanish speakers who had acquired the tap did not tend to use it as the primary substitute for the trill. Overall, the L1 was a stronger source of cross-linguistic influence. Nonetheless, evidence of positive and negative L2 transfer was also found. The L2 flap allophone facilitated acquisition of the L3 tap, whereas non-target productions of the L2 /ɹ/ were also observed, revealing that both previously learned languages were possible sources of cross-linguistic influence.


Author(s):  
An Vande Casteele ◽  
Alejandro Palomares Ortiz

Abstract The present article aims at investigating the pro-drop phenomenon in L2 Spanish. The phenomenon of pro-drop or null subject is a typological feature of some languages, which are characterized by an implicit subject in cases of topic continuity. More specifically, behaviour regarding subject (dis)continuity in Spanish differs from French. This paper will offer a contrastive analysis on subject realisation by French learners of L2 Spanish compared to L1 Spanish speakers. So, the goal of this pilot study is to see if a different functioning in pro-drop in the mother tongue also influences the L2. The study is based upon a written description task presented to the two groups of participants: the experimental group of French mother tongue L2 Spanish language learners and the control group of Spanish native speakers.


Psihologija ◽  
2011 ◽  
Vol 44 (3) ◽  
pp. 261-276 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarina Jovanovic ◽  
Iris Zezelj

Man?s deep-rooted tendency to maintain and reinforce a positive self-image makes man inclined to uncritically accept desirable information (the confirmation bias) as well as to criticize and reject undesirable information (the disconfirmation bias). Since disconfirmation strategy leads to a logically correct solution to the four-card Wason selection task, we predicted that ego-involvement manipulation would have a significant effect on the success rate of the task. Specifically, we hypothesized that subjects who were exposed to personally threatening information would try to reject it and thus be more successful on Wason task than those who were exposed to non-threatening information, as established in previously published study by Dawson et al. (2002a). Furthermore, we wanted to examine if manipulating valence framing of the Wason task rule would result in a higher success rate for the group exposed to the threatening and negatively framed rule (that implied their own early death) than the group exposed to the threatening but positively framed rule (that category of people other than the one they belong to live longer). One hundred ninety five high school students from Kragujevac, Serbia participated in the experiment. The results confirmed the expected effect of involvement, while the main effect of framing did not occur. However, there was a marginally significant involvement by framing interaction: unexpectedly, non involved participants were more likely to solve the task correctly when it was positively framed than when in was negatively framed, whilst in the involved group there was no difference in correct responding depending on framing. The findings suggest that the success rate in Wason task can be sensitive to the valence framing of the rule, but only when respondents are not highly personally threatened. Potential methodological interventions in ego-involvement manipulation and content of the rules are discussed.


Author(s):  
M. Rafael Salaberry

AbstractThere are numerous studies that analyze the second language (L2) acquisition of aspect (e.g., see overviews and summaries in Ayoun and Salaberry 2005; Bardovi-Harlig 2000; Labeau 2005; Salaberry, 2008; Salaberry and Shirai 2002). The present study focuses on a specific component of tense-aspect: the iteration of eventualities (iterativity and habituality) conveyed with the use of Spanish Preterite and Imperfect respectively. The analysis is based on data from monolingual Spanish speakers and L1 English speakers with near-native competence in the L2 with the use of contextualized grammaticality judgments. The findings of the study show that near-native speakers of L2 Spanish do not distinguish fine-grained representations of aspectual knowledge (iterativity versus habituality), even though they demonstrate native-like judgments with more prototypical uses of aspect. The discussion of the findings points to possible effects of mapping of meaning and form in the L2, as well as possible instructional effects paired with frequency effects prompted by classroom environments.


2019 ◽  
Vol 41 (04) ◽  
pp. 647-672 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles Nagle ◽  
Pavel Trofimovich ◽  
Annie Bergeron

AbstractThis study took a dynamic approach to second language (L2) comprehensibility, examining how listeners construct comprehensibility profiles for L2 Spanish speakers during the listening task and what features enhance or diminish comprehensibility. Listeners were 24 native Spanish speakers who evaluated 2–5 minute audio clips recorded by three university-level L2 Spanish speakers responding to two prompts. Listeners rated comprehensibility dynamically, using Idiodynamic Software to upgrade or downgrade comprehensibility over the course of the listening task. Dynamic ratings for one audio clip were video-captured for stimulated recall, and listeners were interviewed to understand which aspects of L2 speech were associated with enhanced versus diminished comprehensibility. Results indicated that clips that were downgraded more often received lower global ratings but upgrading was not associated with higher ratings. Certain problematic features and individual episodes caused listeners’ impressions to converge, though substantial individual variation among listeners was evident.


1994 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 257-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Manuel J. Gutiérrez

SUMMARY The Impact of "the Underdogs" in Three Processes of Linguistic Change in the Spanish of Morelia, Michoacán This paper deals with the role that the educational and the socioeconomic levels of the speakers play in some processes of linguistic change. Three phenomena of the Spanish grammar in different stages of linguistic change are examined in the light of the data collected among Spanish speakers from Morelia, Michoacan: (a) the opposition "periphrastic/morphological future," (b) the use of pluperfect subjunctive in the apodosis of conditional sentences instead of compound conditional, and (c) the innovative use of the copula estar. Results from the analysis reveal that in the two more advanced change processes (a and b), the lower educational levels and the low socioeconomic group are the leaders, while the group with more formal education and the middle-high socioeconomic group have joined, although with some resistance, the tendency marked by the leader groups. The analysis of the ser/estar opposition evidences an innovative use of the copula estar in the community. This change is in the first stages and consists of an extension of the estar semantic domain. The educational and socioeconomic levels also show differences in the use of this innovative form. Speakers with college education and speakers of the upper-middle socioeconomic group are more resistant to adopt the innovative use. However, speakers with less education and speakers of the low socioeconomic group show a very important proportion of the innovative use. The results found seem to suggest that the size of the group with less education and the size of the low socioeconomic group in communities like the one studied permit the imposition of some changes that are led by them. RESUMO La influo de la "subuloj " en tri procezoj de lingvosangigo en la hispana de Morelia en Michoacdn La artikolo temas pri la rolo de la eduka kaj sociekonomia niveloj de la parolantoj en procezoj de lingvosangigo. La aǔtoro studas tri fenomenojn de la hispana gramatiko en diversaj stadioj de lingvosangigo per faktoj observitaj inter parolantoj de la hispana en Morelia en Michoacán: (1) la alternativo inter helpverba kaj morfologia futuro, (2) la uzo de pluskvamperfekta subjunktivo en la cefpropozicio de kondicaj frazoj anstataǔ la helpverba kondicionalo, kaj (3) la novstila uzo de la kopulo estar. La rezultoj montras, ke en la du pli progresintaj ŝanĝoprocezoj (1 kaj 2), la malpli altaj edukniveloj kaj la malalta sociekonomia grupo gvidas, dum la grupo kun pli da formala edukigo kaj la mezalta sociekonomia grupo postsekvas, ec se kun iom da rezisto, la tendencon indikitan de la gvidantaj grupoj. La analizo de la alternativo ser/estar montras novstilan uzon de estar en la komunumo. Tiu ŝanĝo estas en la komenca stadio kaj konsistas el plivastigo de la signifo de estar. La niveloj kondutas malsame ankaǔ rilate al ĉi tiu novaĵo. Parolantoj kun altlerneja edukigo kaj tiuj el la mezalta sociekonomia grupo rezistas la disvastigon de tiu novstila uzo. Aliflanke parolantoj malpli edukitaj kaj sur malpli alta sociekonomia nivelo uzas la novstilaĵon grandkvante. La trovitaj rezultoj sajnas sugesti, ke pro sia grandeco la malaltaj socigrupoj kapablas en socio kiel la studita esti gvidantaj en sango.


2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-269 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer Cabrelli Amaro

This study tests the hypothesis that late first-language English / second-language Spanish learners (L1 English / L2 Spanish learners) acquire spirantization in stages according to the prosodic hierarchy (Zampini, 1997, 1998). In Spanish, voiced stops [b d g] surface after a pause or nasal stop, and continuants [β̞ ð̞ ɣ̞] surface postvocalically, among other contexts. We adopt an Optimality Theoretic analysis of the phenomenon that assumes that postvocalic continuants surface due to the ranking of prosodic positional faithfulness constraints below a markedness constraint that prohibits stops in postvocalic position. L1 English speakers are presumed to start with a ranking in which prosodic positional faithfulness outranks the markedness constraint. In line with the Gradual Learning Algorithm (Boersma and Hayes, 2001), gradual demotion of the relevant faithfulness constraints is predicted in L2 Spanish, extending the prosodic domain until continuants surface postvocalically across domains. A cross-section of 44 L1 English / L2 Spanish learners and a control group ( n = 5) completed a recitation task, and data were analysed acoustically for manner of articulation and degree of constriction. Results partially align with Zampini’s impressionistic data: Learners first produce underlying stops as postvocalic approximants at the onset of the syllable (word-medial position), followed by the onset of the prosodic word (word-initial position). Unlike Zampini’s findings, there is no evidence for an intermediate stage of acquisition across the boundary of a word and its clitic. Advanced L2 learners produce continuants in postvocalic position at all applicable prosodic levels, which we take to indicate acquisition of the target ranking. We also examined whether learners’ postvocalic continuants are lenited to the same degree as the control group, and whether degree of lenition changes across development. The difference in degree of lenition between controls and learners lessens at higher levels of the prosodic hierarchy as acquisition progresses, and several advanced learners produce target-like segments across prosodic levels.


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