Case in Heritage Korean

2017 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 252-282 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kitaek Kim ◽  
William O’Grady ◽  
Bonnie D. Schwartz
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Poor Performance ◽  
Careful Attention ◽  
Accusative Case ◽  
Multiple Factors ◽  
Perceptual Salience

Abstract In a series of five experiments with 31 Korean heritage children, we show that knowledge of case and the ability to use it must be evaluated with careful attention to multiple factors that can influence access to morphological information in the course of comprehension and production. The first two experiments, which compared the canonical SOV pattern with the non-canonical OSV pattern, employed picture-selection comprehension tasks to assess knowledge of case. Poor performance on OSV sentences was mitigated by experimental manipulations that either enhanced the perceptual salience of case or provided felicitous conditions for the use of non-canonical word order. The next three experiments, all involving production tasks, revealed that many children who failed to demonstrate knowledge of case in the comprehension tasks actually produced nominative and accusative case correctly, thereby revealing their knowledge of this morphosyntactic system.

Spanish ‘mirative future’

2021 ◽  
pp. 167-190
Author(s):  
Victoria Escandell-Vidal ◽  
Manuel Leonetti
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Indirect Evidence ◽  
Consistent Pattern ◽  
Direct Experience ◽  
Individual Level ◽  
High Rise ◽  
Multiple Factors ◽  
Rhetorical Questions ◽  
Context Of Utterance

This chapter provides an account of the Spanish ‘mirative future.’ Starting from the assumption that the Spanish future is an inferential evidential (Escandell-Vidal 2010, 2014, 2020), it is argued that mirativity is contextually inferred as a result of a combination of multiple factors that constrain interpretation. These factors include restrictions on word order (only VS), intonational patterns (either fall-rise or high rise), and kind of predicates (individual-level, gradable, negative predicates). In addition, the speaker encodes that s/he has only indirect evidence, but the context of utterance makes it clear that this is not so. Given these conditions, mirative uses are essentially rhetorical questions. From this perspective, the Spanish mirative future reproduces a consistent pattern across languages: mirative interpretations are obtained when indirect or inferential evidential markers are used in contexts where the speaker has direct experience of the facts.

When Syncretism Meets Word Order. On Clitic Order in Romanian

Probus ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-256
Author(s):  
Oana Săvescu
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Romance Languages ◽  
Person Plural ◽  
Accusative Case

Abstract Romanian singular clitics are unique among their counterpars in other Romance languages in that they exhibit different forms for dative (mi, ţi) and accusative case (mă, te). In contrast, 1st and 2nd person plural clitics are case syncretic: the forms ne and vă are used both in the dative and in the accusative. Moreover, in non-finite environments, following gerunds and imperatives, non-syncretic (singular) clitics unambiguously exhibit the order dative accusative, while syncretic (plural) clitics show the reverse, accusative dative order. This paper focuses specifically on this correlation between case syncretism (or lack thereof) and the ordering possibilities of postverbal clitics, showing that the relation receives a principled syntactic explanation. The ordering of postverbal Romanian clitics, as well as the contrast between case syncretic and syncretic clusters are derived through the interaction between (i) morpho-syntactic effects due to case syncretism, (ii) remnant VP movement, and (iii) a representational view on locality, in the spirit of Rizzi (2001), Krapova and Cinque (2005).

scholarly journals Performance of Mosaic-Resistant Strains of Filler Tobacco

1969 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-53
Author(s):  
C. L. González Molina ◽  
A. Acosta Matienzo
Keyword(s):  
Poor Performance ◽  
Breeding Program ◽  
Careful Attention ◽  
Agronomic Characters ◽  
Plant Type ◽  
Black Shank ◽  
Yielding Ability ◽  
The Poor ◽  
Coefficient Of Variability ◽  
Resistant Strains

1. Some filler-tobacco strains resistant to both common mosaic and black shank, the two most important tobacco diseases of the Island, have been developed in a breeding program conducted at the Gurabo Substation. 2. The performance of some of the new strains tested at different locations indicates superior agronomic characters and yielding ability as compared with commercial varieties grown at present in the Island. 3. Pronounced differences were observed in the coefficient of variability among the different locations at Comerío, Aguas Buenas, Cayey, and Barranquitas, indicating an interaction between strains and locations. High coefficients of variability seem to be associated with the poor performance trials. 4. Selected strains exhibited good agronomic characters. Careful attention was given to such characters as plant type and size, leaf characters, curing qualities, and grading. 5. Additional research is underway in order to verify the performance of these new developed strains.

scholarly journals The Derivation of Wh-Questions in Najrani Arabic

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. 181
Author(s):  
Saud A. Mushait
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Nominative Case ◽  
Case Assignment ◽  
Accusative Case ◽  
Phase Approach ◽  
Wh Questions ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Edge Feature

The study explores the derivation of wh-questions in Najrani Arabic and attempts to answer the following questions: (i) Can wh-questions in Najrani Arabic be derived in VSO or SVO or both?, and (ii) How can Najrani Arabic wh-questions be accounted for within Chomsky’s (2001,2005, 2013,2015 ) Phase approach? The objective of the study is to present a unified analysis of the derivation of wh-questions in Najrani Arabic and show the interaction between Najrani Arabic data and Chomsky’s Phase framework. It has been shown that Najrani Arabic allows the derivation of wh-questions from the argument and non-argument positions in VSO word order. Given this, we assume that VSO is the unmarked order for the derivation of wh-questions in Najrani Arabic. In VSO, the subject DP does not raise to Spec-TP because the head T does not have the EPP feature: the latter attracts movement of the former. The verb raises to the head T of TP, while the subject DP remains in-situ in Spec-vP. Moreover, in Najrani Arabic intransitive structures, the phase vP does not have a specifier because it does not have an external thematic argument whereas in transitive constructions the vP has. Concerning case assignment, the phase vP merges with an abstract tense af (fix) on the head T, which agrees with and assigns invisible nominative case to the subject wh-word man ‘who’. We assume that the phase head C is the probe and has the Edge feature which attracts the raising of the subject wh-phrase to Spec-CP. Besides, we argue that the light transitive head v has an Edged feature which attracts the raising of the object wh-phrase aish ‘what’ to be the second (outer) specifier of vP. Being the phase head, the v probes for a local goal and finds the object wh-phrase aish; the v agrees with and assigns accusative case to the object wh-phrase aish. As the TP merges with a null interrogative head C, the phase head C has an Edge feature that attracts the raising of the object wh-word aish to Spec-CP for feature valuation. Following this, the null copies of the moved entities left after movement receive a null spellout in the phonological level and, hence, cannot be accessed for any further operation.

scholarly journals Word order variation and ba sentences in Chinese

2007 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 649-682 ◽  
Author(s):  
Feng-hsi Liu
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Multiple Factors ◽  
Word Order Variation ◽  
New Information ◽  
Information Status ◽  
Order Variation

Despite extensive research on ba sentences in Chinese, the issue of when ba sentences are used in discourse has received little attention. This study examines the word order variation involving ba sentences by comparing three word orders: the canonical postverbal form, the ba form, and the topicalized preposed form. I show that the choice of the ba form depends on multiple factors, including information status, weight and topicality. The ba form is more likely to be used under two conditions: (a) when the ba NP carries old information but is not highly topical, (b) when the ba NP carries new information and is heavy. Further, my findings raise doubts on the ba NP’s role as a topic in discourse.

Processing instruction on the Spanish passive with transfer-of-training effects to anaphoric and cataphoric reference contexts

2015 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
James F. Lee
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Transfer Of Training ◽  
Initial Position ◽  
Final Position ◽  
Processing Instruction ◽  
Training Effects ◽  
Accusative Case ◽  
Linguistic Item ◽  
L2 Learners

AbstractTransfer-of-training effects with processing instruction have recently been reported in the literature. That is, L2 learners receive processing instruction on one particular linguistic item and, as a consequence of instruction, learners' performance improves not only on the particular linguistic item but on other linguistic items as well. The present study examines processing instruction on the Spanish passive, the word order of which places the patient in the grammatical role of subject in sentence initial position and the agent as the object of a preposition in sentence final position. The purpose of the study is to determine whether learners transfer the training they receive on processing the word order of passive sentences to their processing of sentences with anaphoric reference, specifically, accusative case pronouns for which the word order is O

scholarly journals The Syntactic Status of Arabic Clauses Introduced by ʔinna A Minimalist Study

2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 70
Author(s):  
Mansour Qazan Alotaibi
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Accusative Case ◽  
Standard Arabic ◽  
Case Marking ◽  
Syntactic Status ◽  
Case Feature

A Standard Arabic (SA) complementizer known as ʔinna poses a restriction on word orders in the clause it introduces and induces accusative Case-marking on the otherwise nominative preverbal NPs (Note1). Following Chomsky’s (2001) account of the morphosyntax of Case, this paper argues that ʔinna is a Case assigner and thus it carries an uninterpretable Case feature that determines the value which it assigns to an unvalued Case feature concerning accessible goal within A-bar projection. The paper shows that this argument captures the asymmetrical word order between clauses introduced by ʔinna and those headed by null CPs. 

Miniature Language System Acquisition by Children with Different Learning Proficiencies

1990 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 335-342 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Johnston ◽  
Mary Blatchley ◽  
Gloria Streit Olness
Keyword(s):  
Learning Strategies ◽  
Word Order ◽  
Final Particle ◽  
Capacity Limits ◽  
Language System ◽  
Perceptual Salience ◽  
Grammatical Analysis ◽  
System Acquisition

Sixteen children, aged 7:8 to 9:10, learned two miniature languages while playing a communication game. Both languages expressed Action (Agent, Patient) meanings and incorporated a Patient suffix. They differed in word order: VSO (Language I) versus SOV (Language II). Children found the SOV language easier; they also made more suffix errors and fewer word order errors in this language. The results suggest that the perceptual salience of an utterance-final particle may hinder grammatical analysis, at least if capacity limits and perseverative learning strategies intervene.

scholarly journals Who is kissing whom? Two-year-olds’ comprehension of pronouns, case and word order

2021 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-28
Author(s):  
Cassandra D. Foursha-Stevenson ◽  
Katy-Ann E. Blacker ◽  
Jennifer B. Austin ◽  
Gretchen A. Van de Walle
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Subject Position ◽  
Object Position ◽  
Accusative Case ◽  
Preferential Looking ◽  
Adult Participants

Abstract Two-year olds’ comprehension of pronouns in transitive sentences was examined. Previously, children at this age have been shown to comprehend transitive sentences containing full nouns and pronouns in subject position (Gertner et. al. 2006; Hirsh-Pasek & Golinkoff 1996;), but little is known about when children begin to comprehend the nominative and accusative case in pronouns. Using a preferential looking task, we found that 27-month-old children were able to comprehend transitive, grammatical sentences that had subject-verb-object (SVO) word order and nominative pronouns in subject position or accusative pronouns in object position, but 19-month-old children did not demonstrate this comprehension. Furthermore, neither group showed a consistent interpretation for ungrammatical sentences containing pronouns, in contrast to adult participants. Our results suggest that the ability to use pronouns as an aid to understanding transitive sentences develops by 27 months, before children are capable of producing these pronouns in their own speech.

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