The (dis)association of Tense, phi-features EPP and nominative Case

Author(s):  
Ioanna Sitaridou
Keyword(s):  
1855 ◽  
Vol s1-XII (304) ◽  
pp. 153-153
Author(s):  
W. B. C.
Keyword(s):  

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gualtiero Calboli

AbstractI started from the relative clause which occurs in Hittite, and in particular with the enclitic position of the relative pronoun. This is connected with the OV position and this position seems to have been prevailing in Hittite and PIE. The syntactic structure usually employed in Hittite between different clauses is the parataxis. Nevertheless, also the hypotaxis begins to be employed and the best occasion to use it was the diptych as suggested by Haudry, though he didn't consider the most natural and usual diptych: the law, where the crime and the sanction build a natural diptych already in old Hittite. Then I used Justus' and Boley's discussion on the structure of Hittite sentence and found a similarity with Latin, namely the use of an animate subject as central point of a sentence. With verbs of action in ancient languages the subject was normally an animate being, whereas also inanimate subject is employed in modern languages. This seems to be the major difference between ancient and modern structure of a sentence, or, better to say, in Hittite and PIE the subject was an animate being and this persisted a long time, and remained as a tendency in Latin, while in following languages and in classical grammar the subject became a simple nominal “entity” to be predicated and precised with verb and other linguistic instruments. A glance has been cast also to pronouns and particles (sometimes linked together) as instruments of linking nominal variants of coordinate or subordinate clauses and to the development of demonstrative/deictic pronouns. Also in ancient case theory a prevailing position was assured to the nominative case, the case of the subject.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 803-824
Author(s):  
James E. Lavine ◽  
Leonard H. Babby

This article shows how a systematic impersonalization alternation in Russian provides additional evidence for underspecification in argument structure. In the case of a large class of lexically causative verbs, the causer is realized either as a volitional Agent in the nominative case or as an oblique-marked, nonvolitional causer, depending on how the event is construed. A causative theory of accusative is advanced, according to which the mere presence of external causation is a sufficient condition for accusative licensing, including those cases that lack an external argument altogether. The analysis is extended to explain accusative preservation in the Icelandic “fate accusative” construction.


2018 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 223-243
Author(s):  
Noriko Kawasaki

Abstract Back in the 1970s, Kazuko Inoue observed that some active sentences in Japanese allow a prepositional subject. Along with impersonal sentences pointed out by S.-Y. Kuroda, such examples suggest that the nominative subject is not an obligatory element in Japanese sentences. While this observation supports the hypothesis that important characteristics of the Japanese language follow from its lack of (forced-)agreement, Japanese potential sentences require the nominative ga on at least one argument. The present article argues that the nominative case particle ga is semantically vacuous even where a ga-marked phrase is indispensable or the ga-marked phrase is construed as exhaustively listing. Stative predicates require a ga-marked phrase because they can ascribe a property to an argument only by function application. The exhaustive listing reading arises by conversational implicature when the presence of a ga-marked phrase signals that a topic phrase is being avoided. The discussion leads to a semantic account of subject honorification whereby the honorification only concerns the semantic content of the predicate, and does not involve agreement with the subject. It is also shown that sentences with a prepositional subject allow zibun only as a long-distance anaphor, which indicates that they do lack a subject with the nominative Case.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-16
Author(s):  
Robertas Kudirka

here are a number of adverbialized individual words and adverbs without suffixes in Lithuanian slang and non-normative language. Most of them are assimilated borrowings adapted to the language system. Adaptive adverbialization of borrowed adverbs is determined by certain systemic features which are related to the territorial dialects of the Lithuanian language and the standart language. When the Slavic formants of the borrowed individual words are phonetically adapted, analogous hybrid derivatives with that formant are already available in Lithuanian slang. There are few adverbs derived from the singular nominative case. There are also few adverbs derived from the conjugation forms of the verb, mostly the forms are borrowed from informal Russian language. There are a number of borrowed adverbs without formants: there are mostly phonetically, graphically adapted borrowings from Russian language; borrowings of this type are rare from English and German languages. The analysis found that the adaptive features of the slang adverbs are determined by systemic regularities. Slang adverbs are adapted phonetically and graphically according to the principle of substitution of foreign phonemes as close as possible to their own. Slang lexicon tends to copy standart language models and integrate into Lithuanian language derivative and flexic paradigms.


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