The Hungarian verbal complex

Aim of the study: The aim of this longitudinal study was twofold: first, to determine whether the relationship between working memory measures and language performance in young English language learners (ELL) remains constant over the year. The second aim was to determine if performance on working memory tasks predicts future performance on language measures. Methodology: The participants were 27 ELLs between the ages of 5 and 6 years who were in their first year of formal schooling and attended the same mid-low socioeconomic status school in South Africa. The participants were tested three times throughout the year on tasks of working memory and an English assessment battery. Data analysis and results: Mixed effects models and multiple linear regression were used to address the aims of the study. The first aim of the study showed that there are significant correlations between all working memory measures and all language measures in varying strengths across the year. The second research aim further elaborated on this by showing that both phonological working memory and non-verbal complex working memory are implicated in the acquisition of syntax, semantics and pragmatics at different points throughout the year. Implications and originality: Language acquisition in ELLs is not a stand-alone process and working memory measures may be able to predict future language outcomes. This could indicate that working memory measures may be used as an indicator for who may need language intervention, at a time when the ELL only has limited English proficiency and limited English exposure. This research is the first of its kind to originate from Africa, with a sample from low socioeconomic, culturally and linguistically diverse circumstances who are exposed to English consistently for the first time and are tested with working memory tasks with less strong language components.

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New arguments for verb cluster formation at PF and a right-branching VP

Linguistic Variation ◽

10.1075/lv.13.1.03sal ◽

2013 ◽

Vol 13 (1) ◽

pp. 81-132 ◽

Cited By ~ 9

Author(s):

Martin Salzmann

Keyword(s):

Empirical Evidence ◽

Cluster Formation ◽

General Level ◽

West Germanic ◽

Swiss German ◽

Order Variation ◽

New Evidence ◽

Important Evidence ◽

Verb Doubling ◽

Verbal Complex

This paper provides new evidence that verb cluster formation in West Germanic takes place post-syntactically. Contrary to some previous accounts, I argue that cluster formation involves linearly adjacent morphosyntactic words and not syntactic sister nodes. The empirical evidence is drawn from Swiss German verb doubling constructions where intriguing asymmetries arise between ascending and descending orders. The approach additionally solves the cluster puzzle with extraposition and topicalization, generates all of the crosslinguistically attested six orders in the verbal complex and correctly predicts which orders are penetrable in which positions. On a more general level, the paper provides arguments for a derivational treatment of verb cluster formation and order variation and adduces important evidence in favor of a right-branching VP.

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The Verbal Complex in Subordinate Clauses from Medieval to Modern German

10.1075/la.173 ◽

2011 ◽

Cited By ~ 11

Author(s):

Christopher D. Sapp

Keyword(s):

Subordinate Clauses ◽

Verbal Complex

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Morpho-phonological levels and grammaticalization in Karimojong: A review of the evidence

Studies in African Linguistics ◽

10.32473/sal.v41i1.107281 ◽

2012 ◽

Vol 41 (1) ◽

pp. 99-169

Author(s):

Diane Lesley- Lesley-Neuman

Keyword(s):

Phonological Processes ◽

Linguistic Structure ◽

Surface Irregularities ◽

Level 3 ◽

Level 1 ◽

The Right ◽

Level 2 ◽

Different Levels ◽

Phonological Rules ◽

Verbal Complex

An analysis of the affixation processes and the phonological rules governing [ATR] harmony in Karimojong verbs permits the organization of derivational processes into three levels. On each level specific groups of morphemes are affixed and the resultant derived words undergo defined sets of phonological processes. On Level 1 a feature filling [±ATR] harmony rule applies, in which the [ATR] feature spreads bi-directionally from the principal root vowel across the root and all Level 1 affixes. However, there are also localized disharmonic domains created by phonologized co-articulation effects of consonants and dissimilation rules for vowels. On Level 2, suffixation of Tense-Mood-Aspect (TMA) markers at the right edge of the verbal complex triggers [+ATR] feature spreading leftward across the derived word. On Level 3 affixation does not trigger [ATR] harmony processes, and both affix vowels and the derivational complexes to which they are added retain their [ATR] features. Some Karimojong affixes exhibit behaviors characteristic of two different levels, depending on context; these affixes are proposed to be in transition between levels. The three levels are proposed to result from diachronic evolution, and their relative chronological development can be established by (1) correspondences to landmarks within the cross-linguistically attested agreement system grammaticalization cline, which groups affixes according to ordering universals, and (2) the existence of successive evolutionary cycles of frequentive morphology. A model of the morphology-phonology interface is proposed in which linguistic structure internal to the morpheme channels the spread of [ATR] features. The model provides an explanation for surface irregularities that originated at the time of areal vowel mergers in Nilotic languages (Dimmendaal, 2002).

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Phonological allomorphy in Swahili on the form of inanimate pronominal clitics

Studies in African Linguistics ◽

10.32473/sal.v18i3.107469 ◽

1987 ◽

Vol 18 (3) ◽

pp. 263-298

Author(s):

Camillia N. Barrett-Keach

Keyword(s):

Semantic Feature ◽

The Other ◽

Present Account ◽

Basic Assumptions ◽

Segmental Phonology ◽

Phonological Rule ◽

The Subject ◽

Subject Agreement ◽

Relative Pronouns ◽

Verbal Complex

Swahili has two forms of inanimate pronominal clitics. One, like the relative pronouns, typically ends with /o/ and the other, like the subject agreement affixes, are never /o/ final. According to the traditionalists, a semantic feature associated with /o/ differentiates two sets of clitics semantically as well as phonetically. The present account argues that the two sets do not form separate morphemes. They are instead allomorphs of the same morpheme derived by a phonological rule, o-Epenthesis, which suffixes /o/ onto any constituent final pronominal clitic. This virtually exceptionless account provides synchronic evidence for a dual constituent analysis of the verbal complex. The discussion of such well known forms adopts basic assumptions from lexical and auto segmental phonology.

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Polysynthetic Tendencies in Modern Greek

Linguistik Online ◽

10.13092/lo.34.525 ◽

2008 ◽

Vol 34 (2) ◽

Author(s):

Chariton Charitonidis

Keyword(s):

North American ◽

Simple Synthesis ◽

Modern Greek ◽

The North ◽

New System ◽

Typological Classification ◽

Verbal Complex

The aim of this paper is to provide a more accurate typological classification of Modern Greek. The verb in MG shows many polysynthetic traits, such as noun and adverb incorporation into the verbal complex, a large inventory of bound morphemes, pronominal marking of objects, many potential slots before the verbal head, nonconfigurational syntax, etc. On the basis of these traits, MG has similarities with polysynthetic languages such as Abkhaz, Cayuga, Chukchi, Mohawk, Nahuatl, a.o. I will show that the abundance of similar patterns between MG and polysynthesis point to the evolution of a new system away from the traditional dependent-marking strategy and simple synthesis towards head-marking and polysynthesis. Finally, I will point to the risk of undertaking a direct comparison of different language systems by discussing the pronominal head-marking strategies in MG and the North American languages.

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