Feature percolation in the Dutch possessive

Author(s):  
Jack Hoeksema
Keyword(s):  
Languages ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 12
Author(s):  
Luis López

This article provides initial evidence that the head K, which may spell out as case morphology, drives the operations of concord within the noun phrase. Evidence for this claim comes from three code-switching varieties: Basque/Spanish, German/Turkish and Russian/Kazakh. By placing the switch at the border between case morphology and the rest of the noun phrase the properties of K can be isolated and inspected. We find that if K is drawn from the lexicon of a non-concord language, constituents within the noun phrase adopt a default morphology. It is suggested that the data presented in this paper provide evidence for approaches that take Concord to be a form of Agree (probe, goal) and against an approach that takes it to be the result of feature percolation from the bottom up. An analysis of default morphology is proposed that argues that default forms are inserted as vocabulary items in syntactic terminals that, as a result of a failure of Agree, are populated with unvalued features.


Author(s):  
Dejan Matić ◽  
Irina Nikolaeva

Two Siberian languages, Tundra Nenets and Tundra Yukaghir, do not obey strong island constraints in questioning: any sub-constituent of a relative or adverbial clause can be questioned. We argue that this has to do with how focusing works in these languages. The focused sub-constituent remains in situ, but there is abundant morphosyntactic evidence that the focus feature is passed up to the head of the clause. The result is the formation of a complex focus structure in which both the head and non head daughter are overtly marked as focus, and they are interpreted as a pairwise list such that the focus background is applicable to this list, but not to other alternative lists.


Author(s):  
Elizabeth A. Cowper

Ross (1967) showed that in relative clauses, not only may the WH-phrase be fronted, but an NP or PP containing the WH-phrase may also be fronted, as shown in (1): (1)a.This is the child [who]i I’ve been hearing stories about ti.b.This is the child [about whom]i I’ve been hearing stories ti.c.This is the child [stories about whom]i I’ve been hearing ti.Ross called this phenomenon “pied piping”. His statement of the pied piping convention is given in (2).(2)Any transformation which is stated in such a way as to effect the reordering of some specified node NP, where this node is preceded and followed by variables in the structural index of the rule, may apply to this NP or to any non-coordinate NP which dominates it, as long as there are no occurrences of any coordinate node, nor of the node S, on the branch connecting the higher node and the specified node. (1967:114)Notice that Ross’s statement applies to any transformation moving an element over a variable. Thus, the prediction is that WH-questions and relative clauses should behave similarly with respect to pied piping. This is not the case, as pointed out by Bresnan (1976:37). Questions seem to be much more limited in what can be pied piped than are relative clauses.


2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-181
Author(s):  
Ọládiípọ̀ Ajiboye

This paper accounts for the strategies that Yorùbá adopts to mark plural. One way in which plural is marked syntactically is by certain plural words. The plural word can either interpret the noun as plural directly as in the case of àwọn and quantifying words such as púpọ̀ ‘many’ and méjì ‘two’; or it can be realized on a primitive adjective (in the form of COPY) or on a demonstrative (in the form of wọ̀n-). Such elements in turn make available the plural interpretation of the noun they modify. The paper proposes that these plural words possess a covert or an overt [PLURAL] feature, which percolates onto the NP. This analysis of plural marking predicts that there are two ways by which languages may (overtly) mark their nouns for plural cross-linguistically. Languages like Yorùbá, which do not show agreement, mark plural syntactically and make use of a plural feature percolation mechanism, while languages like English, which show agreement, mark plural morphologically and use a plural feature-matching mechanism. It further demonstrates that in Yorùbá, an NP can be freely interpreted as singular or plural in specific discourse context and proposes a general number analysis to account for this type of case. As to the syntax of these plural words, It is proposed that like other non-morphological plural marking languages (e.g., Halkomelem (British Columbia, Canada) as in Wiltschko 2008), Yorùbá plural words are adjuncts that are adjoined to the host head (noun or modifier/demonstrative).


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (14) ◽  
pp. 113-125
Author(s):  
Odeh B. E. ◽  

This paper seeks to examine headedness in affixation processes in Urhobo using a feature percolation approach. Affixation is a rich source of word formation process in the Urhobo language. The specific objectives are to identify affixation processes in Urhobo, investigate how they are used to derive words and determine headedness in the Urhobo language using a feature percolation theory as a framework. This paper reveals three affixation processes in Urhobo, which are prefixes, circumfixes and suffixes. Affixation is a derivational aspect of morphology and it brings about change in the grammatical class of the word or rather, provides additional semantic information to a word. The paper discovers that new words are derived in the language by attaching an affix either at the beginning (prefix), or to the end (suffix) of a word. This process is very productive in the language. The paper reveals that the head of a word using prefix is left-right branching while for suffixes, it is right-left branching. The prefix and suffix attached to a root to form the circumfix project to be the head of a word. The study observes circumfixes to have two heads. Feature percolation theory is also used to determine the head of a word in Urhobo. The paper concludes by recommending further researches on the use of theories especially morphological theories in analysing morphological processes in Urhobo.


2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-239
Author(s):  
Rui-heng Ray Huang

Abstract This study proposes an approach which derives Chinese alternative questions by means of feature percolation and LF movement. This approach is argued to fare better than a movement approach as proposed by C.-T. Huang (1998) and a non-movement binding approach as proposed by R.-H. Huang (2010) in that it may successfully explain why Chinese alternative questions are only sensitive to the wh-island constraint, but not to other types of island constraints. The LF movement analysis may receive empirical support from the observed fact that Chinese alternative questions exhibit focus-intervention effects, generally assumed to be induced by LF movement.


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