A Feature-Based Account of Long-Distance Anaphora

1998 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 133-150 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hyeran Lee

In this paper, I aim to give a unified account of long-distance and localbinding phenomena and provide a single constrained theory of anaphors in the framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1992, 1994, 1995a&b). In section 1, I criticize the LF movement theory which has been argued by Lebeaux (1983), Chomsky (1986), Pica (1987, 1991), Battistella (1989), Katada (1991) and others. In section 2, I provide a feature-based account of long-distance and local binding anaphors. In section 3, I discuss how feature-raising analysis can account for apparent long-distance binding phenomena in Picture-DP(or Picture-NP) constructions which have been treated exceptionally so far. Extending Section 3, I argue in section 4 that apparent long-distance binding phenomena in constructions containing expletives and non-person NPs result from morphological properties of the anaphor. In section 5, I argue that orientation of the antecedent (i.e. subject orientation or no particular orientation) naturally results from interaction between the proposed LF structure and feature raising. Finally, in section 6, I conclude that binding reduces to morphological properties, and hence Condition A of the binding theory can be dispensed with.

2009 ◽  
Vol 32 (1) ◽  
pp. 111-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Helge Lødrup

Norwegian allows binding into finite subordinate clauses when the subordinate subject is inanimate and has a thematic role that is low on the hierarchy of thematic roles (e.g.Hun trodde hun gjorde det som var best forseg selv‘she thought she did that which was best forrefl self’). This kind of long distance binding is productive, and generally acceptable, but it has never been mentioned in the literature. This article discusses its syntactic and semantic properties. It is shown that the reflexives in question are not necessarily logophoric, and that they prefer a distributive interpretation. The general binding properties of inanimate subjects are discussed, and it is proposed that binding theory must have the option to disregard them. Binding across inanimate subjects can then be treated as local binding.


1991 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Luigi Burzio

Chomsky (1981: 188, 220; 1986a: 166) formulates the Binding Theory essentially as in (1).(1) (A) An anaphor must belocally bound(B) A pronoun must not belocally bound(C) An R-expression must not be boundThe notion ‘bound’ is defined as ‘c-commanded by a co-referential element’. As for the notion ‘locally’, that of Chomsky (1986a) differs somewhat from that of Chomsky (1981), and much recent literature addresses the issue, especially in connection with the phenomenon of ‘Long Distance Anaphora’. (For relevant discussion see Burzio (1989c and references therein) and also Levinson, this volume.) For most of our purposes, it will be sufficient to assume Chomsky's (1981: 188) ‘within its [i.e. the anaphor's/pronoun‘s] governing category’, or even the formally simpler (though empirically less adequate) ‘within the same minimal clause’. The empirical effects of the Binding Theory in (1) can then be illustrated as in (2a, b, c) – instances of local binding, non-local binding, and no binding respectively. In each case the connecting line expresses intended co-reference, much as co-indexation in later examples. Each ungrammatical case is accounted for by the principle indicated in parentheses.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gargi Roy ◽  
Kārumūri V Subbārāo ◽  
Rajesh Kumar ◽  
Martin Everaert

Abstract This paper presents an in-depth investigation of the binding strategies in Kokborok and we will look more specifically how this sheds light on the theories of reflexivization. Kokborok, a Tibeto-Burman language spoken in Tripura, a state in the North-East of India, has two reflexives: sak sak ‘self self’ and sak baithaŋ ‘self self’. The form sak sak ‘self self’ conforms to Principle A of classic Binding Theory, blocking long-distance binding, but this does not hold true for sak baithaŋ allowing non-local binding. It is a well-established fact that some reflexives allow non-local binding, but it is generally assumed that this phenomenon is limited to a certain type of reflexive, morpho-syntactically ‘simple reflexives.’ The so-called ‘complex reflexives’ generally bar non-local binding, and the Kokborok reflexive sak baithaŋ seems an exception to that. This paper explores the uniqueness involved in the nature of anaphoric binding in Kokborok.


Author(s):  
Isabelle Charnavel

Anaphors such as English herself, French elle-même, and Mandarin ziji are usually claimed to obey locality requirements stated by Condition A of Binding Theory. But we observe that in various languages, the same anaphors can be exempt from these locality requirements under certain conditions. The goal of this book is to describe and explain this widespread dual behavior of anaphors on the basis of French, English, Mandarin, Korean, and Icelandic. First, several strategies are proposed for distinguishing between the two possible behaviors of anaphors. Plain instances of anaphors require local and exhaustive binding, as well as sloppy readings in ellipsis. Exempt instances of anaphors, however, only require a logophorical interpretation, that is, to occur in phrases expressing the first-personal, mental perspective of their antecedent. Second, a new theory of exempt anaphora is proposed, which consists in deriving all properties distinguishing exempt from plain anaphors to one: the presence of a silent, syntactically represented logophoric operator introducing a local, perspectival binder for superficially exempt anaphors. This hypothesis parsimoniously reduces exempt to plain anaphors obeying Condition A, thus directly accounting for the cross-linguistically widespread morphological identity of plain and exempt anaphors. Under this proposal, the reason why exempt anaphors appear to escape locality requirements is that their binder is implicit, and their mandatory logophoric interpretation derives from the nature of this binder. Finally, several diagnostics are provided for testing the hypothesis that so-called long-distance anaphors can be analyzed just like exempt instances of anaphors.


Author(s):  
Jan Terje Faarlund

Scandinavian has a reflexive pronoun and a reflexive possessive for the 3rd person, and a reciprocal pronoun for all persons. Regular binding domains are finite and non-finite clauses, small clauses, and noun phrases with a verbal content and a genitive ‘agent’. There are also less expected binding relations within NPs, possibly involving an invisible binder. Within VP an indirect object may bind a direct object. Even non-c-commanding binders within VP do exist. Non-local binding into small clauses and infinitival clauses is frequent. Some varieties, especially Norwegian, also allow long distance binding, i.e. binding into finite subordinate clauses. At this point, there is a great deal of variation in acceptability, and definite rules are hard to identify.


Author(s):  
Antonio Fábregas

This chapter reviews the main theories and proposals that in current debates have received a substantial influence from the so-called Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995). This research program has been reflected in different types of morphological theories through three main properties: (i) a change in focus from the internal rules of combination of heads to the interface properties of morphological structures and the influence that third factor considerations have on them; (ii) a trend to derive, rather than to postulate as a lexical property, as many properties of morphological objects as possible, and (iii) a trend to remove from the computational system some classical morphological properties, such as agreement, in order to associate them to the externalization component of grammar.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2015 ◽  
pp. 1-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Imbrosci ◽  
Angela Neitz ◽  
Thomas Mittmann

Neurons are polarized functional units. The somatodendritic compartment receives and integrates synaptic inputs while the axon relays relevant synaptic information in form of action potentials (APs) across long distance. Despite this well accepted notion, recent research has shown that, under certain circumstances, the axon can also generate APs independent of synaptic inputs at axonal sites distal from the soma. These ectopic APs travel both toward synaptic terminals and antidromically toward the soma. This unusual form of neuronal communication seems to preferentially occur in cortical inhibitory interneurons following a period of intense neuronal activity and might have profound implications for neuronal information processing. Here we show that trains of ectopically generated APs can be induced in a large portion of neocortical layer 2/3 GABAergic interneurons following a somatic depolarization inducing hundreds of APs. Sparsely occurring ectopic spikes were also observed in a large portion of layer 1 interneurons even in absence of prior somatic depolarization. Remarkably, we found that interneurons which produce ectopic APs display specific membrane and morphological properties significantly different from the remaining GABAergic cells and may therefore represent a functionally unique interneuronal subpopulation.


1983 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-181 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jean-Yves Pollock

The present paper has two intimately connected goals; It aims at contributing to Chomsky's "Government Binding Theory" and also at providing a fairly detailed comparative analysis of French and English impersonal constructions. Its contribution comes under the guise of (a) an Agreement Theory (see section 2), (b) a general constraint on impersonal chains (see (72)) and (c) a new nominative Case assignment rule: it is suggested that in French and Italian (but not in English) "ergative verbs" (in Burzio (1981) 'sense) can assign nominative Case to their "object". Furthermore, as has become standard in recent comparative work in the GB framework, the paper attempts to isolate the parameters that are responsible for the minimally distinct properties of the constructions under investigation. It is shown here that they can be traced back to the interplay of a Case parameter, the morphological properties of expletive elements (il vs there) and the properties of Universal Grammar.


2019 ◽  
pp. 264-341
Author(s):  
Isabelle Charnavel

This chapter re-examines the hypothesis that some anaphors can be long-distance bound independently of their discursive conditions. All analyses of long-distance anaphora, whether they assume binding domain parameterization or covert movement, rely on the existence of a specific type of anaphors that can be bound out of the Condition A domain and are further characterized by monomorphemicity, subject orientation, sloppy readings, and blocking effects. The goal of this chapter is to question this empirical claim and examine the hypothesis that such purported long-distance anaphors can in fact be reduced to exempt anaphors subject to logophoric conditions. Some tests are proposed and applied to Icelandic sig, Mandarin ziji, French soi, and Norwegian seg/sin using online questionnaires. The results suggest that the hypothesis that long-distance binding should be eliminated from the theory and reduced to logophoric exemption is viable—pending further cross-linguistic studies.


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