Chapter 5. Organising political consensus

Author(s):  
Anne Koski
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
James Brassett

The chapter engages the outpouring of Brexit comedy as an important case study of the politics of humor. On one hand, the literature on comedy and politics has identified the subversive potential of jokes as a form of everyday resistance. On the other hand, sociological approaches have emphasized the role of stereotype and humiliation in jokes as part of a disciplinary function of humor. Building on these insights, the chapter reads prominent debates within comedy about Brexit as a vernacular form of politics. Jokes and satire perform and reperform discourses of identity. The chapter argues we should rephrase “Brexit comedy” or “the comedy of Brexit” as a socially consequential practice that teases at the (changing) social and political consensus.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 402-419
Author(s):  
Kenneth M. Roberts

The Latin American experience at the end of the 20th century demonstrates that democratic regimes can be established and stabilized in “unlikely” places that would not appear to have the requisite “preconditions” for democracy as conventionally theorized. The region may thus provide insights into the prospects for democracy in other parts of the world, such as the MENA region, that also lack the traditional correlates of democracy. An understanding of democracy’s institutional roots in deep societal conflicts, rather than political consensus, civic cultures, or economic prosperity, is an essential starting point for such cross-regional perspectives.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-4
Author(s):  
V. Sai Swetha ◽  
Sneha Kanade

The idea of GST was conceived during the tenure of the prime minister Shri Atal Bihari Vajpayee.It took sixteen years to implement the taxation. Various aspects of GST were examined by working group of officials' representatives from state and center. The reports specifically on exemption and thresholds, taxation of services and taxation of inter-State supplies. Lack of political consensus, the bill failed after suspension. The implementation of GST invited a mixed response from the country.The paper attempts to analyses the GST implementation in 5 sectors.It also aims to suggest model to boost the few sunrise sectors.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
Mahaarum Kusuma Pertiwi

This paper finding is the existence of recurring unsettled negotiation between the Islamists and the Nationalists during three important constitutional works in Indonesia (the making of 1945 Constitution; the work of Konstituante to draft a new constitution in 1955-1959; and the constitutional amendment 1999-2002). Such fragile political consensus creates a legal gap in the Indonesian legal system: constitutional guarantee on religious liberty on one hand, and discriminative derivative laws and court decisions in relate to religious liberty on the other hand. This paper argues the legal gap happens because historically, discourse over religious liberty never settled during constitutional debates. It leads to ambiguous constitutional articles on religious liberty such as the seemingly contradicting Article 28 I (1) on absolute rights and Article 28 J (2) on the limitation of rights. The ambiguous constitutional articles give no solid basis for protecting religious liberty, especially for minority, although explicitly Article 29 (2) of the Constitution stating, ‘The State guarantees freedom of every inhabitant to embrace his/ her respective religion and to worship according to his/ her religion and faith as such’. This paper will explain the unsettled negotiations during the making of Pancasila and the Jakarta Charter in 1945; the debate within Konstituante’s work in 1959; and the debate during constitutional amendment in 1999-2002.


1995 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Neri Serneri

The de-legitimisation of the Italian political system that culminated in the upheavals of the late 1980s has permitted a very public re-examination of the meaning and significance of both the Fascist regime and the Resistance to it. Although debates between historians had already begun over these issues, they have been thrust into the media spotlight now that the political consensus surrounding their interpretation has collapsed. The following two articles examine both the content and conduct of these debates, and consider the extent to which they have contributed to a reassessment of the history of these periods. Naturally the opinions expressed in these articles are solely those of the authors themselves: Contemporary European History would welcome further comments and contributions concerning this rethinking of the contemporary Italian experience.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marco Rodolfo Di Tommaso ◽  
Elena Prodi ◽  
Dante Di Matteo ◽  
Ilaria Mariotti

2007 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-38
Author(s):  
Raymond Boudon

The classical theory of democracy starts from a model where good sense and common sense play a major role, as the notions of the “impartial spectator" (Adam Smith) or the “general will” (Jean-Jacques Rousseau) show, among others. These notions are indispensable to explain many social and political phenomend of our time: phenomena of political consensus on given issues or of short, mid and long-term moral, political, institutional and social evoltion.


2021 ◽  
pp. 165-198
Author(s):  
Nicholas Canny

Elite Catholics, who accepted Hanoverian rulers as legitimate, believed that Enlightenment historiography would show the Penal Laws to be unreasonable, and would necessitate a re-definition of the Irish political nation. When Hume, whom these elite members esteemed, endorsed Temple’s interpretation of the 1641 rebellion, they commissioned a philosophical history for Ireland to be written by Thomas Leland, a Protestant divine. Leland failed to meet the expectations of his sponsors by concluding, after a close study of early modern events, that a single Irish political nation would exist only when Catholics renounced allegiance to the Pope. Failure to reach political consensus was largely irrelevant because popular histories showed that concessions to elite Catholics would not have assuaged popular discontent. Moreover, urban radicals, notably Mathew Carey, contended that Enlightenment thinking suggested that a multi-denominational Irish nation could be imagined only in the context of an independent Irish Republic.


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