Agreement Asymmetries and the PF Interface

2000 ◽  
pp. 23-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elabbas Benmamoun
Keyword(s):  
Pf Interface

Clitic metathesis in the Friulian dialect of Forni di Sotto

Probus ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 275-308 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrea Calabrese ◽  
Diego Pescarini
Keyword(s):  
Division Of Labour ◽  
Morphological Operations ◽  
Functional Head ◽  
Morphological Component ◽  
Object Clitics ◽  
Subject Clitics ◽  
Pf Interface ◽  
Syntactic Derivation

Abstract In this article we entertain the hypothesis that cliticization involves a rule of m-merge, which brackets a functional head with another constituent under linear adjacency to build a structure legible at the PF interface. We therefore argue for a division of labour between syntax and morphology in the spirit of Halle and Marantz (1993), although we depart from their model in rejecting a single post-syntactic Morphological Component, and instead assume that syntactic derivation and morphological operations such as m-merge are cyclically interleaved. In the first part of the article, we focus on the behaviour of clitics in contexts of V-to-C movement. As object clitics and negation are pied-piped by the verb to C, crossing the position of subject clitics, we argue that subject clitics are m-merged after V-to-C movement. The second part of the article deals with some puzzling permutations affecting the order of clitic elements. In particular, we focus on the Friulian dialect of Forni di Sotto (Manzini & Savoia 2005, 2009) to show that such permutations are due to morphological rules of fission and metathesis operating after m-merge. We therefore claim that the Forni pattern provides further evidence for syntactically void operations taking place at the Syntax/PF interface.

Labeling for linearization

2020 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-116
Author(s):  
Kensuke Takita
Keyword(s):  
Present Article ◽  
Semantic Interpretation ◽  
Phase Theory ◽  
Structure Building ◽  
The Core ◽  
Precedence Relations ◽  
Pf Interface ◽  
Pf Deletion

AbstractThe primary goal of the present paper is to argue for the hypothesis that labeling is required for linearization, which is called Labeling for Linearization (LfL). To achieve this goal, it is first argued that labels are not necessary for semantic interpretation. It is then proposed that labels are necessary for linearization at the PF-interface in that they serve as a device to encode structural asymmetries that are employed to determine precedence relations, which are asymmetric as well. It is also shown that LfL can remove several problems of the original labeling framework. Building on the idea that Spell-Out applies to the whole phase but not its subpart, it is illustrated that the LfL-based analysis can solve the problem concerning the variable ways of applying Spell-Out, which arises in the standard phase theory. Extending the LfL-based framework to Japanese, a novel analysis of particle-stranding ellipsis is also proposed. Incorporating some insights of recent approaches that particle-stranding ellipsis arises through a PF-deletion process, it is shown that the proposed analysis based on LfL offers a theoretically more suitable characterization of the PF-deletion process. In this way, the present article contributes to not only sharpening the core theoretical notions regarding structure building and linearization in terms of labeling but also deepening our understanding of the structure of Japanese.

The dynamics of the PF interface: Negation and clitic clusters

Lingua ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 147 ◽  
pp. 9-24
Author(s):  
Jacopo Garzonio ◽  
Cecilia Poletto
Keyword(s):  
Clitic Clusters ◽  
Pf Interface

Construct states at the PF interface

2001 ◽  
Vol 1 ◽  
pp. 229-266 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tal Siloni
Keyword(s):  
Generative Grammar ◽  
Morphological Parameter ◽  
Standard Assumption ◽  
The Difference ◽  
Pf Interface

The paper claims that the Semitic Construct state defines a prosodic domain of Case checking. It has been common lore in generative grammar that the domain of Case checking is a syntactic one. In concert with recent proposals, I argue that Case can also be checked at PF; the domain of Case checking is then defined in prosodic terms. The properties of constructs follow straightforwardly. The treatment extends naturally to nonnominal constructs, which, in turn, provide additional evidence in favor of the prosodic analysis. A morphological parameter derives the difference between languages allowing construct states and those which do not. Finally, contra standard assumption I show that there is no indefiniteness spread in construct states but only definiteness spread.

scholarly journals Parameter Preservation at the Syntax-PF Interface: The Ba Construction Revisited

2018 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-66
Author(s):  
Chih-hsiang Shu
Keyword(s):  
Word Order ◽  
Empirical Support ◽  
Shape Preservation ◽  
Object Shift ◽  
Ba Construction ◽  
Archaic Chinese ◽  
Pf Interface ◽  
Syntactic Properties ◽  
Movement Structure

Abstract In this paper, I argue for an analysis that treats the ba construction in Chinese as a case of shape preservation-induced movement structure. Specifically, the robust preverbal adverbial and PP expressions and the mandatory ba-DP movement in ditransitive structures are both derived from a violable head directionality macroparameter under the Symmetrical Syntax Hypothesis, which allows directionality parameters to examine word order throughout the derivation. In addition to being able to capture the parallel syntactic properties of Scandinavian object shift, this account receives further empirical support from word order facts of Archaic Chinese and Bambara.

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