Media vs. candidates and minorities vs. majorities

Author(s):  
Briana Trifiro ◽  
Yiyan Zhang

Abstract Despite an abundance of research dedicated to the first level agenda setting process in political elections, there is a considerable gap within the literature regarding how the amount of media coverage granted to minority candidates – people of color and women – influence their salience in public opinion. The current study seeks to address this gap by analyzing the effects of online coverage of minority candidates and their subsequent performance in national polling data from June 1, 2019 to November 20, 2019. The present study utilizes a time-series analysis to compare three information formats: Twitter accounts of major media organizations, online web mentions of candidates from these organizations, and the candidates’ own Twitter presence. The presented findings illustrate important relationships – specifically, where candidates of color were able to set their own agenda through their Twitter accounts as opposed to coverage that they received from the media.

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nao Ueda ◽  
Ryoki Yokouchi ◽  
Taro Onoda ◽  
Atsushi Ogihara

UNSTRUCTURED Media coverage and reports have a major influence on individual vaccination and other health-related activities. People use the media to seek information and knowledge on health-related behaviors. They obtain health-related information from media such as television and newspapers, and they trust such information. While several studies have examined the relation between media coverage and individual health, there is a lack of studies that have analyzed media reports of health information. In particular, we have found no analyses related to cervical cancer (human papillomavirus [HPV]) vaccine. This study aimed to identify mentions of cervical cancer vaccine in Japan’s printed news media and to determine their characteristics. We used the archival databases of 2 Japanese newspapers, Yomiuri Shimbun (Yomidasu Rekishikan) and Asahi Shimbun (Kikuzo II Visual), for text mining. First, we created a database by extracting articles published between January 1, 2007, and December 31, 2014, that matched the terms “cervical cancer” AND “vaccination” in a keyword search. Then, we tallied the extracted articles based on the month of publication and number of characters in order to conduct a time-series analysis. We extracted a total of 219 articles. Of these, 154 (70.3%) were positive and 51 (23.3%) were negative toward HPV vaccination. Of the 51 negative articles, 4 (7.8%) were published before June 2013, when routine vaccination was temporarily discontinued due to concerns regarding side effects, and 47 (92.2%) were published since then. The negative reports commonly cited side effects, although prior to June 2013, these issues were hardly mentioned. Although foreign media reports mentioned side effects before routine vaccination was temporarily discontinued, fewer articles mentioned side effects than recommendations for vaccination. Furthermore, on June 13, 2013, the World Health Organization’s advisory body Global Advisory Committee on Vaccine Safety issued a statement regarding the safety of HPV vaccines, but hardly any articles reported this statement. Rather, several articles were published about the side effects after June 2013. Since we consider media coverage to be a factor affecting human health behavior, the media should extensively report on the cost of not receiving cervical cancer vaccination, global trends concerning cervical cancer vaccination, and statements released by various agencies on the subject.


2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Nao Ueda ◽  
Ryoki Yokouchi ◽  
Taro Onoda ◽  
Atsushi Ogihara

BACKGROUND Media coverage and reports have a major influence on individual vaccination and other health-related activities. People use the media to seek information and knowledge on health-related behaviors. They obtain health-related information from media such as television and newspapers, and they trust such information. While several studies have examined the relation between media coverage and individual health, there is a lack of studies that have analyzed media reports of health information. In particular, we have found no analyses related to cervical cancer (human papillomavirus [HPV]) vaccine. OBJECTIVE This study aimed to identify mentions of cervical cancer vaccine in Japan’s printed news media and to determine their characteristics. METHODS We used the archival databases of 2 Japanese newspapers, Yomiuri Shimbun (Yomidasu Rekishikan) and Asahi Shimbun (Kikuzo II Visual), for text mining. First, we created a database by extracting articles published between January 1, 2007, and December 31, 2014, that matched the terms “cervical cancer” AND “vaccination” in a keyword search. Then, we tallied the extracted articles based on the month of publication and number of characters in order to conduct a time-series analysis. RESULTS We extracted a total of 219 articles. Of these, 154 (70.3%) were positive and 51 (23.3%) were negative toward HPV vaccination. Of the 51 negative articles, 4 (7.8%) were published before June 2013, when routine vaccination was temporarily discontinued due to concerns regarding side effects, and 47 (92.2%) were published since then. The negative reports commonly cited side effects, although prior to June 2013, these issues were hardly mentioned. Although foreign media reports mentioned side effects before routine vaccination was temporarily discontinued, fewer articles mentioned side effects than recommendations for vaccination. Furthermore, on June 13, 2013, the World Health Organization’s advisory body Global Advisory Committee on Vaccine Safety issued a statement regarding the safety of HPV vaccines, but hardly any articles reported this statement. Rather, several articles were published about the side effects after June 2013. CONCLUSIONS Since we consider media coverage to be a factor affecting human health behavior, the media should extensively report on the cost of not receiving cervical cancer vaccination, global trends concerning cervical cancer vaccination, and statements released by various agencies on the subject.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Gede Moenanto Soekawati

ABSTRAK Peliputan media atas sejumlah kasus adalah implementasi agenda setting metode penyampaian informasi. Sejumlah informasi disampaikan berdasarkan fakta yang dikonstruksi sebagai realitas media. Di antaranya, kasus Tempo melawan Tomy Winata, keterlibatan wartawan Metro TV Hilman Mattauch terhadap kasus korupsi e-KTP oleh Setya Novanto, dan upaya yang dilakukan media sebagai watchdog dalam kasus Lutfi Alfiandi. Penelitian meneliti artefak digital dan tercetak, observasi, dan wawancara. Sejumlah pertanyaan penelitian adalah: 1. Bagaimana konstruksi media sebagai watchdog dalam kasus hukum antara Tomy Winata versus Tempo? 2. Bagaimana penerapan watchdog media dalam kasus penegakan hukum e-KTP? 3. Bagaimana penerapan watchdog media dalam kasus penangkapan dan penyiksaan yang dialami pelajar STM bernama Lutfi Alfiandi? Hasil penelitian terhadap artefak digital dan media cetak, wawancara, dan observasi adalah: 1. Implementasi pers sebagai pengawas kasus Tomy Winata di Tanah Abang dilakukan oleh Tempo, meski hasilnya Tempo mendapat konsekuensi kekalahan di meja hijau atas gugatan Tomy Winata. 2. Pelaksanaan watchdog dalam upaya penegakan hukum oleh Komisi Pemberantasan Korupsi (KPK) dilakukan terhadap kuasa media yang melibatkan Hilman Mattauch dari Metro TV dan diungkap oleh media. 3. Peristiwa kasus polisi menangkap dan menyiksa Lutfi Alfiandi mendapatkan pelaksanaan agenda setting oleh media dalam peran watchdog sehingga korban yang semula dituntut hukuman tujuh tahun penjara dapat simpati publik mendorong majelis hakim memvonis bebas.Kata kunci: Pengawas Pers, Penegakan Hukum, Liputan Media ABSTRACT Several events received media coverage with an agenda-setting process which became a method of conveying information. Some information is conveyed based on facts constructed as media reality. Among them are the construction of media reality carried out in the Tempo case against Tomy Winata, the involvement of Metro TV journalist Hilman Mattauch in the e-KTP corruption case involving Setya Novanto, and the efforts made by the media as a watchdog in the Lutfi Alfiandi case. The research was conducted by examining digital and printed artifacts, observations, and interviews. Some research questions are 1. How is the construction of the media as a watchdog in the legal case between Tomy Winata and Tempo? 2. How is the application of watchdog media in the case of e-KTP law enforcement? 3. How is the application of the media watchdog in the case of arrest and torture experienced by STM student named Lutfi Alfiandi? The results of research on digital artifacts and print media, interviews, and observations are 1. Implementation of the watchdog press to reveal Tomy Winata in Tanah Abang was carried out by Tempo, although the result was that Tempo suffered the consequences of being defeated at the court table by the lawsuit filed by Tomy Winata. 2. The implementation of watchdog in law enforcement efforts by the Corruption Eradication Commission (KPK) was carried out against the power of the media which involved Hilman Mattauch from Metro TV and was exposed by the media. 3. The police's arrest and torture of Lutfi Alfiandi resulted in the implementation of agenda-setting by the media in the role of a watchdog which succeeded in making the victim who was sentenced to seven years in prison get public sympathy and was released when the verdict was handed down by the panel of judges.Keywords: Watchdog Press, Law Enforcement, Media Coverage


2012 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 129-156 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Rens Vliegenthart

We conducted pooled time-series analyses to assess how number and size of demonstrations affect the political agenda in Belgium (1993-2000). Taking twenty-five issues into account, this study finds that protest matters for the political agenda setting. This study also advances scholarly understanding of the agenda-setting power of protest by showing that the causal mechanisms of protest impact are complex and contingent. The parliamentary, governmental, and legislative attention for issues is significantly and differently affected by preceding protest activities. The media act as an intermediary variable: media coverage emerges in response to protest and, in turn, affects the political agenda afterwards. Protests on some issues have more effect than on others: in Belgium, new social movements protests are especially effective in causing parliament and government to focus attention on the issue.


Author(s):  
Marlvern Mabgwe ◽  
Petronella Katekwe

This chapter evaluates the pattern and trend of mass media coverage of Zimbabwe's cultural heritage, with a focus on the newspaper publications produced between the years 2010 and 2015. The working hypothesis is that the level and nature of mass media coverage of cultural heritage is directly proportional to the nature of public opinion and attitude towards their own cultural heritage. As such, in order for cultural heritage to make a meaningful contribution to socio-economic and political developmental in Zimbabwe, there is a need for cultural heritage to be visible in all mass media productions. Using document analysis, questionnaires, and interviews, the research identified that the coverage of cultural heritage in mass media in Zimbabwe is alarmingly low. That jeopardizes the regard of cultural heritage as a driver for socio-economic and political development amongst the public. However, through reprioritization of media agenda-setting, media policy, and fostering of a closer collaboration between heritage managers and media professionals, the situation can be salvaged in Zimbabwe.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Matt Guardino

This chapter introduces the argument and analyses. It explains the broader political importance of media coverage and public opinion during policy debates. The chapter also discusses how structural and institutional factors in the media system can contribute to often unforeseen or unintended effects on news content, and can ultimately shape the ideological direction of public opinion. It summarizes the book’s data and key claims about corporate news media’s role in rising economic inequality across the neoliberal era, and discusses the broader implications of the book’s argument and evidence for American democracy. The chapter ends by previewing the structure of the book.


2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephan Lewandowsky ◽  
Michael Jetter ◽  
Ullrich K. H. Ecker

Abstract Social media has arguably shifted political agenda-setting power away from mainstream media onto politicians. Current U.S. President Trump’s reliance on Twitter is unprecedented, but the underlying implications for agenda setting are poorly understood. Using the president as a case study, we present evidence suggesting that President Trump’s use of Twitter diverts crucial media (The New York Times and ABC News) from topics that are potentially harmful to him. We find that increased media coverage of the Mueller investigation is immediately followed by Trump tweeting increasingly about unrelated issues. This increased activity, in turn, is followed by a reduction in coverage of the Mueller investigation—a finding that is consistent with the hypothesis that President Trump’s tweets may also successfully divert the media from topics that he considers threatening. The pattern is absent in placebo analyses involving Brexit coverage and several other topics that do not present a political risk to the president. Our results are robust to the inclusion of numerous control variables and examination of several alternative explanations, although the generality of the successful diversion must be established by further investigation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 594-611 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Morrison

This article argues that long-standing press portrayals of economic migrants as threats to Britain’s economic wellbeing underwent a marked turn immediately after the 2016 ‘Brexit’ referendum. Following an intense campaign during which most national newspapers problematised European Union free movement, the month after the vote saw even ‘Euro-sceptic’ titles shift towards emphasising the economic costs of ending it. Within six months, however, discourses framing migrants as ‘invaders’ and/or ‘exploiters’ resurfaced. The article conceptualises the immediate post-referendum period as one of discursive aftershock, as key actors struggled to absorb the outcome and newspapers accustomed to years of spoon-feeding with simplistic pro- and anti-European Union rhetoric scrambled to find fresh sources of newsworthy conflict in a ‘post-war’ climate. In so doing, it contributes to our understanding of the multidirectional complexity of the agenda-setting process, by showing how shifts in the nature of public debate can help re-frame the narrative preoccupations of the media.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-95
Author(s):  
Pelin Ayan Musil

While Turkey lacks significant levels of public support from the Czech Republic in its EU bid, the existing studies of European public opinion on the question of Turkey do not bring any reasonable explanation as to why this can be so. To shed light on this problem, this article offers an analytical framework derived from sociological and discursive institutionalism. First, it shows that the historical/cultural context in the Czech Republic has created an informal institution built around the norms of “othering” Muslim societies like Turkey (sociological institutionalism). Second, based on the media coverage of selected political issues from Turkey between 2005 and 2010, it argues that this institution both enables and constrains the “discursive ability” of the media in communicating these issues to its audience (discursive institutionalism). Since the media—as a political actor—mostly acts to maintain this institution and does not critically debate it, the public opinion of Turkey as the “cultural other” remains as a dominant perception. The official support of the political elite for Turkey's accession to the EU does not countervail the media influence, as this support is often not conveyed to the Czech public agenda.


Author(s):  
Stefaan Walgrave ◽  
Peter Van Aelst

Recently, the number of studies examining whether media coverage has an effect on the political agenda has been growing strongly. Most studies found that preceding media coverage does exert an effect on the subsequent attention for issues by political actors. These effects are contingent, though, they depend on the type of issue and the type of political actor one is dealing with. Most extant work has drawn on aggregate time-series designs, and the field is as good as fully non-comparative. To further develop our knowledge about how and why the mass media exert influence on the political agenda, three ways forward are suggested. First, we need better theory about why political actors would adopt media issues and start devoting attention to them. The core of such a theory should be the notion of the applicability of information encapsulated in the media coverage to the goals and the task at hand of the political actors. Media information has a number of features that make it very attractive for political actors to use—it is often negative, for instance. Second, we plead for a disaggregation of the level of analysis from the institutional level (e.g., parliament) or the collective actor level (e.g., party) to the individual level (e.g., members of parliament). Since individuals process media information, and since the goals and tasks of individuals that trigger the applicability mechanism are diverse, the best way to move forward is to tackle the agenda setting puzzle at the individual level. This implies surveying individual elites or, even better, implementing experimental designs to individual elite actors. Third, the field is in dire need of comparative work comparing how political actors respond to media coverage across countries or political systems.


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