No Role for Lightness in the Perception of Black and White? Simultaneous Contrast Affects Perceived Skin Tone, but Not Perceived Race

Perception ◽  
10.1068/p6703 ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 39 (8) ◽  
pp. 1142-1145 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kevin R Brooks ◽  
O Scott Gwinn
2018 ◽  
Vol 13 (3) ◽  
pp. 398-404
Author(s):  
John P Mills ◽  
Charles Ing ◽  
Tom Markham ◽  
Fergus Guppy

Within the present manuscript we explore the role of skin tone on playing position within English football’s top four professional leagues. Player data ( n = 4515) was collected across five seasons (2010–2015). Unlike previous research, results indicate a statistically significant, but arguable minor difference between the skin tones of those who play in central as opposed to wide positions. However, a one-way ANOVA highlights significant differences between skin tone and individual playing positions. Between league differences were, however, non-significant. Although mean skin tone is still darker for peripheral (i.e., wide) positions, the situation is more nuanced than first thought. Instead of segregating players by central versus peripheral roles, it appears that players of a darker skin tone occupy positions associated with athleticism and strength. In contrast, players of a lighter skin tone appear to fulfil positions requiring organizational skills and creativity.


Perception ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 25 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 172-172
Author(s):  
F A J Verstraten ◽  
J Intriligator

Recently, de Weert and Spillmann (1995 Vision Research35 1413 – 1419) reported a striking example of assimilation. Their stimulus was a pincushion formed by four arcs, each consisting of a number of black and white rings on a gray background (the area surrounded by the rings, see their figure 1). When the gray background is immediately surrounded by white rings, the background appears lighter and vice versa. When a subject is asked to match the luminance of a circle in a different spatial location for both the ‘lighter’ and the ‘darker’ pincushion, the matching luminance of the test is lower than the actual background luminance. This result is surprising but also counterintuitive. For example if a ‘light’ pincushion is matched with a ‘dark’ pincushion, it is expected that the luminance of a ‘light’ pincushion needs to be decreased in order to match the ‘dark’ pincushion. Conversely, the luminance of the ‘dark’ pincushion needs to be increased to match the ‘light’ pincushion. Therefore luminance values on both sides of the default background luminance are expected. We replicated their basic experiment and found the same results. In additional conditions, we had subjects adjust the background luminance of a ‘light’ pincushion compared to a ‘dark’ and vice versa. In that case the luminance values were symmetrical on either side of the default background luminance. It would seem that the method of testing is crucial here. Therefore we also tested simultaneous contrast stimuli (all rings were made black or white) using the circle-match-task as in their original experiment. We found that both values were nicely distributed on both sides of the background luminance value, indicating that de Weert and Spillmann's finding is not attributable to the test condition as such.


2016 ◽  
Vol 42 (12) ◽  
pp. 1653-1665 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adam L. Alter ◽  
Chadly Stern ◽  
Yael Granot ◽  
Emily Balcetis

Across six studies, people used a “bad is black” heuristic in social judgment and assumed that immoral acts were committed by people with darker skin tones, regardless of the racial background of those immoral actors. In archival studies of news articles written about Black and White celebrities in popular culture magazines (Study 1a) and American politicians (Study 1b), the more critical rather than complimentary the stories, the darker the skin tone of the photographs printed with the article. In the remaining four studies, participants associated immoral acts with darker skinned people when examining surveillance footage (Studies 2 and 4), and when matching headshots to good and bad actions (Studies 3 and 5). We additionally found that both race-based (Studies 2, 3, and 5) and shade-based (Studies 4 and 5) associations between badness and darkness determine whether people demonstrate the “bad is black” effect. We discuss implications for social perception and eyewitness identification.


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