Integrated Regional Planning as an Agent of the State Vis-à-Vis the Local Community and the ‘Patria Chica’ (Homeland): A Summary of Central American Experiences

1985 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-174 ◽  
Author(s):  
G Sandner
Keyword(s):  
Regional Planning ◽  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Local Community ◽  
The State ◽  
Central American ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
Point Of Departure

This paper is a critical analysis of the local community as an instrument in the integration of development policies. It is a tentative analysis, providing a critical reconsideration of some of the main options comparing ‘from the top down’ policies with ‘from the bottom up’ policies. This involves an awareness of a competing perspective (‘from below’) and of the questions ‘for whom?’ and ‘development to what extent?’. According to this perspective, the point of departure is the conflict existing in the local community, and the conflict between the local community and the state.

“Forward to David the Builder!” Georgia's (re)turn to language-centered nationalism

2016 ◽  
Vol 44 (4) ◽  
pp. 522-542 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christofer Berglund
Keyword(s):  
Large Scale ◽  
Nation Building ◽  
The State ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
The Past ◽  
Building Project ◽  
The Rose ◽  
State Language

After the Rose Revolution, President Saakashvili tried to move away from the exclusionary nationalism of the past, which had poisoned relations between Georgians and their Armenian and Azerbaijani compatriots. His government instead sought to foster an inclusionary nationalism, wherein belonging was contingent upon speaking the state language and all Georgian speakers, irrespective of origin, were to be equals. This article examines this nation-building project from a top-down and bottom-up lens. I first argue that state officials took rigorous steps to signal that Georgian-speaking minorities were part of the national fabric, but failed to abolish religious and historical barriers to their inclusion. I next utilize a large-scale, matched-guise experiment (n= 792) to explore if adolescent Georgians ostracize Georgian-speaking minorities or embrace them as their peers. I find that the upcoming generation of Georgians harbor attitudes in line with Saakashvili's language-centered nationalism, and that current Georgian nationalism therefore is more inclusionary than previous research, or Georgia's tumultuous past, would lead us to believe.

Between a rock and a hard place: State-led territorial stigmatization, informal care practices and the interstitiality of local community workers in Denmark

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rasmus H Birk ◽  
Mia Arp Fallov
Keyword(s):  
Informal Care ◽  
Local Community ◽  
Local Communities ◽  
The State ◽  
Residential Areas ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Interstitial Position ◽  
Community Work ◽  
Care Practices ◽  
Hard Place

Abstract The purpose of this paper is to explore the relation between territorial stigmatization and community work in Denmark. In the paper, we firstly explore territorial stigmatization, relating it to the Danish context. We show how territorial stigmatization in Denmark happens via a complex amalgamation of bureaucratic practices which identify particular areas as problematic ‘ghettos’, and how this leads to top–down interventions upon many local residential areas, including local community work. Following this, we draw on participant observations in practices of local community work, and interviews with local community workers, to explore how they practically negotiate these particular political constructions of their work. We argue that local community workers come to take on interstitial roles—that is, they come to be in-between the state and authorities and the local communities themselves. This complex double role is what we call an interstitial position, meant to signify how Danish local community workers are both part of territorial stigmatization and simultaneously trying to escape from and undo this very role.

Strong Societies, Weak Parties: Regime Change in Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and Today

2001 ◽  
Vol 43 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-113 ◽  
Author(s):  
Javier Corrales
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Bargaining Power ◽  
Regime Change ◽  
The State ◽  
Democratic Institutions ◽  
Best Interest ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Societal Factors ◽  
The 1950S

AbstractThe literature on the origins of democratic institutions is split between bottom-up and top-down approaches. The former emphasize societal factors that press for democracy; the latter, rules and institutions that shape elites' incentives. Can these approaches be reconciled? This article proposes competitive political parties, more so than degrees of modernization and associationalism, as the link between the two. Competitive political parties enhance society's bargaining power with the state and show dominant elites that liberalization is in their best interest; the parties are thus effective conduits of democracy. In the context of party deficit, the prospects for democratization or redemocratization are slim. This is illustrated by comparing Cuba and Venezuela in the 1950s and 1990s.

Salafism pushes Muslim communities to conservatism

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Public Discourse ◽  
The State ◽  
The Other ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Core ◽  
Conservative Ideology ◽  
Three Generations ◽  
Muslim Communities

Subject Salafism impact on Muslim societies. Significance Salafism (‘ancestralism’) is an ultra-conservative ideology adopted by a variety of Muslim individuals and organisations. It claims to reveal the authentic Islam of the first three generations of ‘pious forefathers’ (Arabic: al-salaf al-salih) from the time of the Prophet Mohammed. Salafis seek to 'purify' and thereby change other Muslims’ behaviour. These aims can be pursued by ‘top-down’ methods of engaging the state via activist struggle (jihad), or by ‘bottom-up’ strategies of engaging society via quietist proselytisation (da‘wa): that is, with or without violence. Impacts The core salafi doctrine of (‘loyalty [to Muslims] and disavowal [of non-Muslims]’) encourages its followers’ isolation from wider society. Competition for authenticity will further divide Muslim communities by ‘condemning the other’. Salafi-inspired organisations will seek to dominate public discourse and definitions of Islam.

The Activation-Synthesis Theory of Dreaming

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. William Domhoff
Keyword(s):  
Critical Analysis ◽  
Dream Content ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Technical Advances

This chapter provides the most detailed critical analysis yet developed of the neurophysiological theory of dreaming called activation-synthesis theory, a bottom-up theory that rejects a top-down neurocognitive approach because rigorous studies of dream content allegedly cannot be carried out, especially on the basis of dream reports collected in the sleep lab. This theory suggests that dreams may be “cognitive trash.” The chapter draws on detailed neurophysiological evidence little known outside of neurophysiology, and hardly at all among dream researchers, to show that all of the empirical claims put forth by activation-synthesis theorists in 1977 had been shown to be wrong by the mid-1980s, with further evidence for this refutation appearing in the 2000s due to methodological and technical advances. Similarly, the studies of dream content by activation-synthesis theorists have major flaws and are contradicted by most of the findings presented in earlier chapters.

Operational State Complexity of Subtree-Free Regular Tree Languages

2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (06) ◽  
pp. 705-724
Author(s):  
Sang-Ki Ko ◽  
Hae-Sung Eom ◽  
Yo-Sub Han
Keyword(s):  
The State ◽  
Tree Automaton ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Tree Language ◽  
Worst Case ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
State Complexity ◽  
Regular Tree ◽  
Tree Languages

We introduce subtree-free regular tree languages that are closely related to XML schemas and investigate the state complexity of basic operations on subtree-free regular tree languages. The state complexity of an operation for regular tree languages is the number of states that are sufficient and necessary in the worst-case for the minimal deterministic ranked tree automaton that accepts the tree language obtained from the operation. We establish the precise state complexity of (sequential, parallel) concatenation, (bottom-up, top-down) star, intersection and union for subtree-free regular tree languages.

scholarly journals Locating Human Security In the City: The Case of Rohingya Refugees In New Delhi

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Ashvina Patel ◽  
Keyword(s):  
South Asia ◽  
Human Security ◽  
The State ◽  
New Delhi ◽  
Primary Field ◽  
Field Site ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Urban Refugees ◽  
The City

This research examines the subjective experience of human security by Rohingya urban refugees who fled to New Delhi, India, from Myanmar, in 2012. It uses bottom-up, top-down, and historical-to-present approaches to recognize the myriad factors that influence the path to security. The bottom-up approach frames the Rohingya present-day experience; the top-down approach delineates motivations embedded in the current India state and the international refugee regime; and the past-to-present approach explains the perspectives of each of these actors. One urban refugee settlement was chosen as a primary field site to examine the challenges and varied everyday experiences of the city for migrants. Two other urban settlements were selected for supplementary participant observation and the collection of quantitative data. At my primary field site, Rohingya men and women were interviewed to assess their feeling of security (in Rohingya hefazat or in Hindi suraksha). The perceptions of United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) employees, government officials, and community representative were also recorded. Human security, defined as a person-centered security, was assessed on three dimensions: political, economic, and community. Analysis of the data compelled me to focus on what I call political human security. Anthropologists theorize the embeddedness of new immigrants and resettled refugees through acts of cultural citizenship, assimilation, and integration. This study, however, demonstrates that for urban refugees their primary need is basic security. This security is inevitably political; Rohingya refugees are deemed “illegal” immigrants by the state, but are permitted to stay as protected wards of the UNHCR. They assume a refugee identity that both expose them to further exploitation, while also shielding them from starvation and disease. This politically formed identity must be negotiated in daily interaction in order to find security. India is a first country of asylum for the Rohingya in this study. No South Asian country has signed the 1951 Refugee Convention or its 1967 Protocol, making India a good case study for how South Asia may respond to refugee influxes into urban spaces. India is unwilling to allow Muslim refugees to become naturalized citizens, pointing to religious and cultural factors that produce insecurity in the South Asia region. Furthermore, tensions rise when apolitical agencies like the UNHCR call upon India’s conservative administration to protect a population they define as undesirable. By focusing on urban refugees and their interactions with the state and supranational organizations, this research demonstrates the importance of statehood and citizenship as instruments of sovereignty that uphold human rights and protect against insecurity.

scholarly journals From Petty Corruption to Criminal State

Intersections ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Bálint Magyar ◽  
Bálint Madlovics
Keyword(s):  
Big Data ◽  
Free Market ◽  
Analytical Framework ◽  
The State ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
Country Comparison ◽  
State Capture ◽  
Cross Country ◽  
Four Levels

Offering a decent database easily applicable to cross-country comparison, Transparency International’s Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) has been widely used as a variable for showing the level of corruption. However, surveys of its sources are based on presumptions which mainly apply to bottom-up forms of corruption, namely free market corruption and bottom-up state capture, and therefore it is insufficient for assessing the state of a country plagued by top-down types of the former. We provide an analytical framework that distinguishes four levels of corruption and draws on the experience of the post-communist region. Using this framework to analyze the CPI’s survey questions, we explain why the index provides a blurred picture of the region. ‘Big data’ evidence for top-down corruption in Hungary is also presented, signifying the need for a more refined index.

scholarly journals Kebijakan Pembangunan Dalam Konsep Kepemimpinan Partisipatif

2020 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 91-104
Author(s):  
Wimmy Haliim
Keyword(s):  
Development Policy ◽  
Policy Making ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
The Public ◽  
Participatory Leadership ◽  
Development Policies ◽  
Policy Making Process ◽  
Writing Models ◽  
The Government

People's needs are often considered trivial by bureaucrats who sit in the government of a country. They tend to carry out and make programs or policies with top-down development, but the compatibility between what is needed by the people and what is done by the government is often different. Therefore, a more bottom-up approach must be present in the policy making process that is within the body of government. One of the goals of writing this article is the desire to strengthen the role of the community in the policy-making process that is considered important. The writing of this article uses the use of normative writing models. So that it uses a conceptual approach to explain to readers the importance of the concept of participatory leadership in development policy. Participatory leadership is leadership that bases its policy makers on a mature process of deliberation (deliberation process) by involving the public, so that development policies that are born can answer the needs and improve the socio-economic capabilities of the public. The concept of participatory leadership can be applied to every public official in the central to regional government environment, the government's goal to carry out comprehensive bureaucratic reform can be achieved. Also, the community will be far more independent and strong. The independence and strength of the community, in addition to being used to participate in the planning process, are also very much needed as an external party in monitoring and evaluating development policies. Keywords: Participation, Development Policy, Participatory Leadership Abstrak Kebutuhan rakyat seringkali dianggap hal yang sepele oleh birokrat yang duduk didalam pemerintahan sebuah negara. Mereka memiliki kecenderungan melakukan dan membuat program atau kebijakan dengan pembangunan yang bersifat top-down, namun kesesuaian antara apa yang dibutuhkan rakyat dengan yang dikerjakan oleh pemerintah sering kali berbeda. Maka dari itu, pendekatan yang lebih bottom-up harus hadir didalam proses pembuatan kebijakan yang ada didalam tubuh pemerintah. Salah satu tujuan penulisan artikel ini adalah keinginan untuk memperkuat peran masyarakat dalam proses pembuat kebijakan yang dinilai penting. Penulisan artikel ini menggunakan penggunaan model penulisan normatif. Sehingga didalamnya menggunakan pendekatan konseptual untuk menjelaskan kepada pembaca pentingan konsep kepemimpinan partisipatif dalam kebijakan pembangunan. Kepemimpinan partisipatif adalah kepemimpinan yang mendasarkan pembuat kebijakannya pada proses pertimbangan yang matang (proses deliberasi) dengan mengikutsertakan publik, sehingga kebijakan pembangunan yang lahir bisa menjawab kebutuhan dan meningkatkan kemampuan sosial-ekonomi publik. Konsep kepemimpinan partisipatif ini bisa diaplikasikan pada setiap pejabat publik yang ada dilingkungan pemerintahan pusat hingga daerah, tujuan pemerintah untuk melakukan reformasi birokrasi secara menyeluruh bisa tercapai. Selain itu, masyarakat akan jauh lebih mandiri dan kuat. Kemandirian dan kekuatan masyarakat, selain bisa digunakan untuk ikutserta dalam proses perencanaan, juga sangat dibutuhkan sebagai pihak eksternal dalam pengawasan hingga evaluasi kebijakan pembangunan. Kata Kunci: Partisipasi, Kebijakan Pembangunan, Kepemimpinan Partisipatif.

scholarly journals The Dialectic of Bottom-up and Top-down Emergence in Social Systems

1970 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 28-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Christian Fuchs ◽  
Wolfgang Hofkirchner
Keyword(s):  
Systems Theory ◽  
Social Systems ◽  
Theoretical Explanation ◽  
Self Organization ◽  
Hierarchical Systems ◽  
Top Down ◽  
Bottom Up ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Determinism And Indeterminism ◽  
Point Of Departure

In this paper we will present a theoretical explanation of the relationship between so-called individual emergence and the emergence of social systems. We want to take as our point of departure the assumption that from the perspective of hierarchical systems theory self-organization on the level of social systems includes a bottom-up process as well as a top-down process. The bottom-up process refers to what in sociology is called agency, the top-down process refers to what is called structure. We will show that it is convenient to suggest that these processes be linked in a dialectical manner. In this respect we will discuss problems of determinism and indeterminism. This is the background against which we will try to clarify the notion of individual emergence. Our rather general considerations will be illustrated by how ideology, that is consciousness in a collective as well as an individual sense, is conceived of by a number of theories and how it should be conceived of when aspects of self-organization are included. We will conclude with a statement that makes clear why consciousness is a property of individuals that emerges only when individuals participate in society and why society emerges only when individuals are endowed with consciousness.

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