scholarly journals Reviews: Environmental Dilemmas and Policy Design, the Political Culture of the Left in Affluent Britain, 1951–64: Old Labour, New Britain, the Government and Politics of the European Union, Just Sustainabilities: Development in an Unequal World, Climate Change and Sustainable Development: Prospects for Developing Countries, Environmental Leaders and Laggards in Europe: Why there is (Not) a ‘Southern Problem’, Business and Politics: A Comparative Introduction, The European Union: Economy, Society, and Polity

2004 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 149-158
Author(s):  
James O Jenkins ◽  
Domènec Ruiz Devesa ◽  
Alfonso Egea-de Haro ◽  
Karen Bakker ◽  
Jekwu Ikeme ◽  
...  
Author(s):  
Giuseppe Franco Ferrari

- The energy markets are very complex, because, on the one hand, they imply several different activities and, on the other hand, they involve various levels of govern- 183 ment. The energy market is divided indeed in different segments: supply (generation or purchasing), transmission, distribution and sale, which are allocated at different levels of government, from the international and European level (with reference to the security of energy supply), to the local level (with specific regard to the distribution and sale). This complexity makes the energy sector particularly critical, under the pressure of political interests and economical needs. Another sensitive point is linked with the environmental protection, since the consumption of energy is one of the most polluting human activities, and the demand of energy is growing up together with the economical growth of the developing Countries. This problem is increasingly discussed at the international level, with reference to the climate change issue, in order to plan a sustainable development for the whole globe: because of it, the Kyoto Protocol was issued within the United Nation Framework Convention on Climate Change. It establishes legally binding commitments for the reduction of four greenhouse gases for all the 183 ratifying Countries, according the principle of common but differentiated responsibilities, and provides for the promotion of renewable energy. The European Union ratified the Protocol implementing the relative obligations through, for instance, the creation of the EU Emissions Trading Scheme (ETS). The European Union most of all addressed the competitive issue, since the 70s, in order to achieve the result to create a free energy market in Europe. The last results of the European energy policy were the directives on electricity and natural gas in 2004, that imposed the complete opening of the energy markets in almost all the European Countries (with few exceptions). The implementation of the European directives requires the intervention of the national level, since each Country has to modify its own regulatory framework, in order to comply with the directives. Everywhere in Europe, this process faces with several difficulties, but it is particularly hard in Italy, since the energy sector is traditionally public owned. Indeed, in our Country, the privatization and liberalization processes are strictly linked to another trend: the decentralization of legislative and administrative powers from the State to the Regions and Local Communities. Thus it is evident that the global governance of the energy sector, for its complexity and its sensibility, can only derive from a network of interventions by several levels of government, and different international, national and local actors, which realize a typical case of multilevel governance.Key words: Energy markets, competition, sustainable development, multilevel governance.JEL classifications: K21, K23.Parole chiave: Mercato energetico, concorrenza, sviluppo sostenibile, multilevel Governance.


Author(s):  
Beate Sjåfjell

This chapter focuses on the neglected environmental dimension of sustainable development. It argues that ecological sustainable development as the new law is not only supported by normative necessity but also has a legal basis in the law of the European Union. The political and bureaucratic will to carry through the necessary practical implementation is, however, lacking. This does not affect the validity of the legal basis or that of the obligations flowing from the legal basis. Rather, it indicates a need to keep repeating the message until it gets through. The chapter outlines the legal basis and its implications for the prioritisation between the three dimensions in EU law. It concludes with some reflections on the possible contribution of labour to the necessary transition to sustainable societies.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 131
Author(s):  
Dr.Sc. Jonuz Abdullai ◽  
Mr. Demush Bajrami

The political culture, according to scholar Kavanagh is part of the overall societal culture, and represents a set of basic values, emotions, knowledge, attitudes and convictions, within which the political system operates, shaping and feeding political processes. Culture came as a sequence to efforts to factor the spiritual world of people in explicating policy. Political culture brings to surface some kind of independence of culture from economic factors, and the role of culture in political order and economic development.This paper provides the theoretical aspects of political culture and political systems, within which its reflection is analysed on several aspects of interethnic relations in a democracy. Also, it accentuates the preferred paths of Western Balkan countries, including Macedonia, towards integration with the European Union, which is spiked with many challenges. In the political culture of multi-ethnic societies, ethnic divisions may have an influence. The ethnic principles are still present in the political arena of Macedonia, where although there is some “interethnic reconciliation”, the failure in implementing the Ohrid Framework Agreement, signed in 2001, between Albanians and Macedonians, there are often political contractions, affecting national interests, which is in contradiction to all values of the European Union, mainly with human rights, but also ethnic rights.The object of the analysis of this paper is specifically related to:extended transition of Macedonia,political consensus,role of political parties, andinterethnic relations after the Ohrid Framework Agreement.Political culture in South-Eastern European countries has been analysed in different views, especially in the reform process, where it has an important role.Conclusions of this paper are that Macedonia must fulfil the conditions set forth, both political and institutional, based on the political culture for EU integration, since political culture, according to scholar L. Pye represents a “set of basic values, emotions and knowledge shaping and feeding political processes”. 


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 176-181
Author(s):  
Lóránt Csink

During Brexit campaign leave supporters reckoned that their sovereignty is priceless. They meant that Britain’s status within or outside the European Union should not be decided upon economic reasons only. The campaign was successful and now the Kingdom is paying the price of her sovereignty. In Hungary in 2015 the government decided to ban shops to open on Sundays which was against the aspirations of both enterprises and consumers.  The government found the measure so symbolic, so close to its identity that it did not respect any criticism. The government paid the political price of the unpopularity of the measure. Later on the government realised that the stake was too high and withdrew the piece of legislation. Such events clearly highlight that maintaining identity always has its price. Such price can be either economic or political. The question is if governments are ready to pay the price. It does not seem proper if mere economic and political expectations overrule symbolic issues. Neither it is acceptable if the government gives the nation’s entire fortune for symbolic reasons. It must always be considered how much identity costs and if it is worth paying the price.  The question can be answered upon the identity test that has two factors: first how important the issue is (how close it is to identity) and if the price of identity is proportionate to the economic, political price. The more important the issue is the greater price can be paid. And conversely, the greater the economic or political price is, the more cautious one should be. The present article sums up the most basic information on constitutional identity and analyses the factors of the identity of the Hungarian constitution, the Basic Law, with special attention to the contemporary identity debate. It argues that constitutional identity is not a strict and non-changing phenomenon but rather the procedure of continuous development.


2000 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-522
Author(s):  

AbstractThe need for a comprehensive reform of Finland's four laws of constitution has been discussed since the late 1960s. As a consequence of several substantial changes to the old constitutional laws and the political consensus to move the system of governance in a more parliamentary direction, a new Constitution was drafted during the 1990s and adopted by the Parliament in 1999. Finland's new Constitution integrates constitutional provisions into a single Constitution, and reduces the constitutional powers of the president of the republic. The new Constitution increases parliamentary control in foreign policy. It requires the president to co-operate with the government when directing Finland's foreign policy. It also requires acceptance by the Parliament of a wider range of international obligations. The system for the national organisation of matters concerning the European Union adopted in connection with Finland's accession to the Union in 1995 has also been confirmed by the Constitution, with the government and the Parliament being the main actors in that field.


Author(s):  
Jiří Gregor

This paper provides research on the theme of the political budget cycles. The goal is to find out whether or not the government tries to manipulate the state budget and its components for the purpose of re-election across the countries of the European Union. In order to verify this theory a dynamic panel data model was used. The results were significant, but only if predetermined elections were not counted into the estimations. In that case, the theory of the political budget cycles could be accepted as valid for the EU countries. The main driving force of the political budget cycles across the countries of the European Union is fluctuation of the government expenditures. During the election year, the government expenditures are higher, and a year after the election, government expenditures are lower. This is reflected into the state budget balance.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (54) ◽  
pp. 163-173
Author(s):  
Łukasz Danel

Legal and Constitutional Implications of the United Kigdom’s Withdrawal From the European Union – the British PerspectiveThe article is dedicated to the issue of legal and constitutional implications of Brexit seen from the perspective of United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. The author advances a thesis that the withdrawal from the European Union will be the most complicated legal operation in the history of the British state as for more than 40 years United Kingdom has been a part of European Communities (today’s European Union) which affected greatly the British legal system. In order to prove the thesis the author analyses the political and legal discussion around the European Union (Withdrawal) Bill 2017‑2019 that is supposed to repeal the European Communities Act 1972 and transpose the existing EU Law into UK law. The bill is controversial – especially the provisions known as Henry VIII clauses that create special powers for the government to make secondary legislation.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rolf Klein

What happens in highly developed industrialized countries to broad strata of population – the bottom 90 percent – if the states see themselves as participants in a global competition? What does this mean concerning the political influence of citizens? Is it possible to give answers to climate change, digitalisation, the drifting apart of society without weakening our position within global competition? What is it about the image of “location competition”? Based on economic insights a political tendentious term is disenchanted. As a result of the analysis is to be realized: Potent states are capable of a much greater scope of design than is generally assumed. But Germany and the European Union act way below their best.


MUWAZAH ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 96
Author(s):  
Nurbaity Prastyananda Yuwono

Women's political participation in Indonesia can be categorized as low, even though the government has provided special policies for women. Patriarchal political culture is a major obstacle in increasing women's political participation, because it builds perceptions that women are inappropriate, unsuitable and unfit to engage in the political domain. The notion that women are more appropriate in the domestic area; identified politics are masculine, so women are not suitable for acting in the political domain; Weak women and not having the ability to become leaders, are the result of the construction of a patriarchal political culture. Efforts must be doing to increase women's participation, i.e: women's political awareness, gender-based political education; building and strengthening relationships between women's networks and organizations; attract qualified women  political party cadres; cultural reconstruction and reinterpretation of religious understanding that is gender biased; movement to change the organizational structure of political parties and; the implementation of legislation effectively.


Oikos ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (29) ◽  
pp. 13
Author(s):  
Olga María Cerqueira Torres

RESUMENEn el presente artículo el análisis se ha centrado en determinar cuáles de las funciones del interregionalismo, sistematizadas en los trabajos de Jürgen Rüland, han sido desarrolladas en la relación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones, ya que ello ha permitido evidenciar si el estado del proceso de integración de la CAN ha condicionado la racionalidad política del comportamiento de la Unión Europea hacia la región andina (civil power o soft imperialism); esto posibilitará establecer la viabilidad de la firma del Acuerdo de Asociación Unión Europea-Comunidad Andina de Naciones.Palabras clave: Unión Europea, Comunidad Andina, interregionalismo, funciones, acuerdo de asociación. Interregionalism functions in the EU-ANDEAN community relationsABSTRACTIn the present article analysis has focused on which functions of interregionalism, systematized by Jürgen Rüland, have been developed in the European Union-Andean Community birregional relation, that allowed demonstrate if the state of the integration process in the Andean Community has conditioned the political rationality of the European Union towards the Andean region (civil power or soft imperialism); with all these elements will be possible to establish the viability of the Association Agreement signature between the European Union and the Andean Community.Keywords: European Union, Andean Community, interregionalism, functions, association agreement.


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