Federalism, political power, and the economic power game: conflict over access to petroleum resources in Nigeria

1996 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 159-177 ◽  
Author(s):  
C O Ikporukpo
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Petroleum Resources ◽  
Power Game

Opportunity (Let’s Make Lots of Money)

2021 ◽  
pp. 59-96
Author(s):  
Melissa Vosen Callens
Keyword(s):  
Popular Culture ◽  
Family Dynamics ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Conspicuous Consumption ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Careful Attention ◽  
Income Gap ◽  
The Family ◽  
Economic Landscape ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter three describes how the economic landscape of the 1980s heavily influenced the family dynamics discussed in chapter two, with careful attention to the widening income gap and the paradoxical rise of conspicuous consumption. The chapter demonstrates how access to the American Dream—or lack thereof—is represented in 1980s popular culture and Stranger Things, reflecting and generating increased cynicism of Gen Xers. While many films of the 1980s fail to explore the relationship between economic power and social and political power, Stranger Things does so, but does so implicitly.

Why the Normative and Positive Roles of Governments Differ

2020 ◽  
pp. 64-82
Author(s):  
Vito Tanzi
Keyword(s):  
Economic Theory ◽  
Free Trade ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Industrial Workers ◽  
Special Groups ◽  
Good For ◽  
The Rich ◽  
Growth Economic

Policies can aim at results that are good for the whole population or policies can be directed at special groups. General policies may help overall but hurt some subsectors, for example free trade that is now under attack because it has hurt some sectors even though it has promoted a higher growth. Economic theory has increasingly moved from policies that help overall to policies that help or hurt particular groups (the elite, the rich, industrial workers). Policies are frequently promoted by the groups that have the greatest political power, often accompaniedby economic power. Policies have become progressively more complex and less easy to understand for average citizens. Smaller groups, especially those with greater economic power find it easier to organize and to push their agenda and policy responds to such pressure. Various kinds of what could be called “termites” have entered the policymaking process. They include the length and the complexity of many laws, making them less transparent to normal citizens and easier to manipulate.

Revaluing Repetition: John Clare’s Verse-Thinking

2016 ◽  
Vol 77 (1) ◽  
pp. 65-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caroline Levine
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Literary Studies ◽  
Economic Power

AbstractThis essay seeks to revalue repetition in literary studies. Critics have often treated repetition—clichés, rules, norms, mechanization, monotony—as the painful or oppressive backdrop against which their best values emerge: originality, distinctiveness, resistance. But this critical tendency has carried its own repressive effects, including wresting our attention from collectivities and solidarities. A reading of John Clare’s 1820 poem “The Harvest Morning” shows that repetition is crucial to the exercise of political and economic power and that poetic forms, especially rhythm and rhyme, are well suited for theorizing the repetitions of political power through their own intrinsic repetitiveness.

Relations between African and European Traders in the Niger Delta 1880–1896

1962 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cherry Gertzel
Keyword(s):  
Niger Delta ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Turn Of The Century ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Political Independence ◽  
Period 1880

When the British Oil Rivers Protectorate was established in 1885, the political independence of the Delta States came to an end. The European invasion of African sovereignty, which in effect began in 1849 with the appointment of a British Consul, was complete. Since trade and politics were so intimately linked within these states, which had for so long guarded the middleman trade in the interior, the fortunes of the middleman chiefs were bound to be affected by such a major political change. The material which has emerged from my study of John Holt in relation to his Delta trade in the period 1880–1910, suggests, however, that the economic power of the chiefs (as opposed to the rulers) was by no means so quickly affected as has usually been suggested. The deposition of King Ja Ja of Opobo in 1887 symbolizes the end of the political power of the Delta rulers. His middleman chiefs were able, however, to maintain their control of the middleman organization of trade for a few years longer. Similarly, in each of the other rivers (with the exception of Brass), while the ruler lost his power, his hierarchy of middlemen retained control of internal commerce until almost the turn of the century.

scholarly journals Enemigo a las puertas. La libertad política en el socialismo británico

Daímon ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 159-175
Author(s):  
Julio Martínez-Cava Aguilar
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
New Left ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
History Of ◽  
Libertarian Socialism

El objetivo de este artículo es proporcionar algunas claves históricas y conceptuales para comprender la historia del socialismo británico libertarian y su relación con la concepción fiduciaria del poder político y del poder económico. Las expresiones de este socialismo no son homogéneas, convivieron con otras ideas rivales llegando en ocasiones a mezclarse con ellas; y fueron formuladas siempre como respuestas concretas ante los problemas que planteaba cada momento histórico. Desde el socialismo republicano de algunos seguidores de Robert Owen hasta los desafíos que planteó la New Left, las teorías fiduciarias encontraron hueco para abrirse paso en los escritos de estos socialistas libertarian.   The objective of this paper is to provide some historical and conceptual keys to understand the history of libertarian British socialism, and its relationship with the fiduciary conception of political power and economic power. The expressions of this libertarian socialism are not homogeneous, they coexisted with other rival conceptions, sometimes mixing with them. Those articulations were always formulated as concrete responses to the problems laid out by different historical moments. From the republican socialism of some Robert Owen’s followers to the challenges exposed by the New Left, fiduciary theory found room to break through in the writings of these libertarian socialists.

Political Transition, Ethnoregionalism, and the “Power Shift” Debate in Nigeria

1999 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Jibrin Ibrahim
Keyword(s):  
Political Power ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
Political Transition ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
The South ◽  
Political Issue ◽  
The North ◽  
Power Shift ◽  
Democratic Rule ◽  
And Control

The Nigerian military has been engaged in a program of transition to democratic rule since 1985. The country’s military rulers developed “transition politics” into a strategy of transitions without end, a ruse to prevent democratization. Hopefully, Nigeria is now at the crossroads. One of the most important issues posed in the transition has been the ethnoregional one: Would entrenched ethnoregional forces allow political power to shift from the North to the South? It is not a new question in Nigerian transition politics.Two broad issues surface when ethnoregional domination emerges as a political issue in Nigeria: control of political power and its instruments, such as the armed forces and the judiciary; and control of economic power and resources.

The Political Economy of Imperfect Competition

1985 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 169-186 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amitai Etzioni
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Imperfect Competition ◽  
Political Power ◽  
Government Intervention ◽  
Marginal Utility ◽  
The Political ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Power Base ◽  
The Stability

ABSTRACTEconomic actors command political power as well as economic power. It is used to the same effect to create monopolies and oligopolies. The two powers can be combined; e.g., aside from monopolies based only on economic power or only on government intervention, there are especially powerful monopolies that command both powers. The stability of the various power holders is related to the nature of their power base; pure economic power is particularly unstable. However, economic power can be more readily amassed than interventionist power, which violates norms, and has a sharply declining marginal utility. When the effects of interventionist power are added to those of economic power, economies such as America, which are often classified as quite competitive, turn out to be much less so.

Foreign Policy and Technology: The Japan-US Japan-Britain and Japan-EEC Technology Agreements

1983 ◽  
Vol 31 (2) ◽  
pp. 205-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jill Hills
Keyword(s):  
Technological Innovation ◽  
Political Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Japanese Government ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
American Government ◽  
Domestic Technology ◽  
Industrialized Nations ◽  
Political Resource ◽  
National Governments

This article discusses the technological agreement between the United States and Japan, which was eventually agreed to by the Japanese government in June 1982, and agreements between Japan, Britain and the EEC. The argument presented here is that technological power has become a political resource of national governments. The American government has used political power through the Japan-US Defence Treaty to attempt to retain technological and economic power. The Japanese government has been prepared to forgo technological power in order to placate American, British and EEC protectionist sentiments. Although governments of industrialized nations are now recognizing domestic technology as a determinant of power, ongoing technological innovation and the penetration by Japan of American microchip markets has increased US dependency on Japan. This economic dependency has not yet been recognized by shifts in political power.

Toward a Reinterpretation of Political Change in Peru During the First Century of Independence

1978 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-84 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald H. Berg ◽  
Frederick Stirton Weaver
Keyword(s):  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
Political Change ◽  
Central Government ◽  
Political Power ◽  
First Century ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
National Politics ◽  
Economic Elites ◽  
Central Purpose

The central purpose of this paper is to show that the character of Peruvian national politics changed substantially during the century after independence from Spain and that a focus on the shifting relations between the central government and social and economic power in the private sector is crucial for appreciating the significance of these political developments and for comprehending their sources. Clearly a wide variety of forces conditioned the organization and exercise of political power in nineteenth-century Peru, but historical interpretations that stress the roles of economic elites (e.g., Bourricaud, 1970), foreign interests (Yepes del Castillo, 1972) or leaders’ personalities (Pike, 1967) obscure the magnitude of these political changes and do not adequately explain them.

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