Regulatory Federalism in the European Community

1992 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 299-316 ◽  
Author(s):  
G Majone

In this paper, the issue of the most efficient allocation of regulatory responsibilities among the subnational, national, and European Community (EC) levels of government is addressed. The most obvious impact of EC regulations on national and subnational policies is a transfer of legislative competences to the EC, as the principle of supremacy of EC law bars member states from passing laws inconsistent with the relevant EC legislation. There are less obvious but no less important ways in which EC regulations influence the political process in the member states. Thus, the process of implementation of EC regulations at the national level has led to an increase in the rule-making powers of the member states' executives and a corresponding weakening of the role of the national parliaments. Also, the relationship between central and subnational governments is significantly affected, especially in countries with a federal or regional structure. It is argued that, despite the theoretical and political appeal of decentralization in a community of nations as varied as in the EC, many regulatory powers will have to be surrendered by the national governments after completion of the internal market. The dilemma of regulatory federalism is that, although local governments are more attuned to individual tastes, they are also unlikely to make a clean separation between the provision of public goods for their citizens and engaging in policies designed to the advantage of the locality at the expense of its neighbours. Because the integrated European market is such a new creation, the threat posed by the strategic use of regulation to the advantage of one jurisdiction at the expense of other jurisdictions is probably more serious than the danger of excessive and inefficient uniformity. It is also important to keep in mind that the optimal assignment of regulatory responsibilities between different levels of government does not have to coincide with existing national boundaries. There may be significant externalities and a need for coordination between some, but not all, regions within a country or group of countries. A model which deserves particular attention in this context is that of consortia or ‘compacts’ among several states, or regions within different states, sharing similar problems.

2021 ◽  
Vol 56 (1) ◽  
pp. 131-137
Author(s):  
Vanessa Horler

Representative democracy is beset by a crisis of legitimacy across the world, but in Europe this crisis is compounded by the inadequacy of national governments to address citizens’ frustrations and to achieve transnational unity on common issues. How representative are national parliaments in their decision-making on EU matters? This volume investigates the relationship between the democratic institutions of the member states and those of the EU. With a focus on polity rather than policy, it looks at voting and decision-shaping mechanisms in selected member states, in particular the ‘Europeanisation’ of representative democracy at national level. It also assesses the state of parliamentary democracy at the EU level. Expert analysts share their insights into the changing nature of our political eco-systems and the (dis)connections within and between them.


1987 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
I Tömmel

When the European Community (EC) created the European Fund for Regional Development (EFRD) in 1975, regional policy was established at an international level for the first time ever. Because of the chosen instruments and the ‘additive’ mechanism of implementation—via the administrative bodies of the member states—this policy seemed at first to mean little more than a reinforcement of regional policies at a national level. Since then, the EC has considerably intensified its regional policy and diversified its instruments. However, the recent reforms of the Community's regional policy serve not only to achieve (certain) development effects with respect to the economic structure of less-developed areas, but also as a means of reorganizing governmental (planning) bodies and regional development policies in the member states, that is, as a means of inducing modernization and differentiation of state intervention in the countries concerned. Thus, the EC intervenes’ in the affairs of the member states: Not in the shape of more or less authoritarian intervention by a superior body—EC powers do not permit this—but via the indirect effect of market mechanism. Subsidies are the economic incentive to collaborate.


2002 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 39-60 ◽  
Author(s):  
Graham Taylor ◽  
Andy Mathers

This paper explores the logical and historical determinants of European integration and reflects on the potential and dangers this presents for labour movement renewal. Through the principle of ‘subsidiarity’ a regulatory gap has been established between political mobilisation at the national level and neo-liberal regulation at the European level. The historical determination of this form is traced through an exploration of the social struggles against neo-liberalism that have developed within member states and transnational mobilizations that bridge this regulatory gap by linking resistance across national boundaries.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 336-366 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rollin F Tusalem

Migrant remittances have been linked to improving the quality of government and political accountability in the developing world. The argument is that migrants have the capacity to withhold remittances to their families when they deem that their local governments are blighted with corruption and bureaucratic inefficiency. Relatedly, migrants also empower citizens in sub-national regions by providing funds to family members who become less beholden to clientistic ties with political parties which concomitantly foster state-level corruption. Thus, relatives of migrants also become social agents who will increasingly expect better governmental performance and demand higher levels of political accountability at the sub-national level. Using data provided by the Philippine National Statistics Office and the National Statistical Coordinating Board of the Philippines (NSCB hereafter), the study provides empirical evidence that the number of migrants (by province) and the amount of remittances sent by migrants are positively associated with governmental effectiveness and higher levels of human development at the provincial level. It is also found that opportunistic shirking on the part of the sub-national governments is also not occurring, as remittances also induce provincial governments to spend more on their citizens, which will likely lead to better public goods provision. The overall findings imply that just like their counterparts from other developing countries, Filipino migrants are agents of democratic accountability.


Author(s):  
Sandra Ežmale

Spatial planning is a practical and useful instrument introduced by the European Community and national governments throughout the last decade with the aim to promote development of regions and reach territorial cohesion. In order to assess interconnections between quality of spatial planning documents of local governments of Latgale region and territorial development indicators the following tasks were performed: to describe the methodology for evaluation the quality of spatial planning documents, to describe the results of interconnections between quality of spatial planning documents in local governments of the region and development indicators.  


2012 ◽  
pp. 148-148

Author(s):  
Dieter Grimm

This chapter examines the role of national parliaments in the European Union. It first considers the general trend towards de-parliamentarization in the EU before describing the European situation by distinguishing three separate phases, in which the national parliaments have different functions: the transfer of sovereign rights from the Member States to the EU, the exercise of those transferred rights by the EU, and the implementation of European decisions by the Member States. The chapter then explores the question of whether the European Parliament is capable of compensating at the European level for the erosion of legislative authority at the national level. Finally, it discusses the proposal that the European Parliament be vested with the powers typically possessed by national parliaments as a solution to the EU’s legitimacy crisis and argues that full parliamentarization is not the answer.


1998 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-447
Author(s):  
Sandra Fredman

In the search for democracy, are judges allies or subversives? Until very recently, British constitutional law appeared to present a relatively straightforward answer to this perennial dilemma: judges are only allies if their power is clearly subordinate to that of Parliament. In terms of constitutional theory, this faith in the political process and corresponding distrust of the judiciary is expressed through the principle of parliamentary sovereignty. However, the imminent enactment of a Human Rights Act in Britain compels a reconsideration of this response. It is true that the judiciary has always played a significant role in law-making through the common law and statutory interpretation. It is true, too, that non-constitutional judicial review has developed vigorously in the past few decades. Yet it has always been possible to assert, not least by the judiciary, that law-making of this sort is subordinate to parliamentary law-making and is justifiable by and legitimated in terms of parliamentary intent. Parliamentary sovereignty has, of course, been challenged explicitly by membership of the European Union. Faced with the confident assertion by European Community institutions of the sovereignty of European Community law, the judiciary has gradually shifted its allegiance from Parliament and acknowledged the supremacy of EC law in its sphere of operation. This shift of allegiance is revolutionary in one way. Nevertheless, judicial law-making remains subordinate, although to a differently constituted legislature.


1965 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 56-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon N. Lindberg

Events since January 1963 have confronted participant and observer alike with a number of fundamental political questions about the European Community. How can we reconcile repeated newspaper stories about its imminent collapse because of one crisis or another with its persistence and seemingly ever more impressive accomplishments? Can the Community continue to develop in the face of major policy differences among its members? Does the existence of the Community change the ground rules and operating conditions of the relations between its members, or does it only place naïve European idealists at the mercy of more cynical, wily, and “realistic” politicians by introducing merely gentler ways of coercing or cajoling the less powerful members? Does it have any enduring impact on the political process or on political attitudes within the member states, or are such changes as occur insignificant or easily reversible?


1981 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 185-199 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jacques‐René Rabier ◽  
Ronald Inglehart

FOR MANY YEARS PUBLIC OPINION SURVEYS HAVE INDICATED that the peoples of the European Community nations support the principle that various functions now handled at the national level should be handled by European Community institutions. Opponents of supranational political integration have pointed out quite correctly that representative democracy is not based on public opinion polls and that the democratically elected representatives of the people can and should decide such questions.In June 1979 a European Parliament was elected by the direct vote of the citizens of the nine member–countries of the European Community. For the first time in history, a body exists that was democratically elected by the people of the European Community nations rather than simply being appointed by the respective national parliaments. Though direct election of the European Parliament does not automatically bring increased powers to that institution, it clearly has enhanced the legitimacy of its claim to represent the people of the European Community. The candidates for the Euro ean Parliament represented all significant political parties an1 all shades of political opinion, ranging from the most convinced partisans of supranational political integration to the most ardent defenders of national sovereignty. The voters have chosen among them: what is the result?


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