Earthquake Risk Analysis for Los Angeles County under Present and Planned Land Uses

10.1068/b2639 ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 419-432 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert B Olshansky ◽  
Yueming Wu
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Risk Analysis ◽  
Los Angeles County ◽  
Earthquake Risk ◽  
Land Uses

scholarly journals Where and Why Do Illicit Businesses Cluster? Comparing Sexually Oriented Massage Parlors in Los Angeles County and New York City

2019 ◽  
pp. 0739456X1985963 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. Chin ◽  
Lois M. Takahashi ◽  
Douglas J. Wiebe
Keyword(s):  
New York ◽  
New York City ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
York City ◽  
Los Angeles County ◽  
Land Uses ◽  
Massage Parlor ◽  
Local Regulation ◽  
Immigrant Populations ◽  
Geocoded Data

Immigrant-run sexually oriented massage parlors embody the intersection of important planning issues, including inequitable distribution of controversial land uses and economic functions of illicit businesses. We analyzed geocoded data from a ratings website to examine sexually oriented massage parlor clustering in Los Angeles County (LAC) and New York City (NYC). In LAC, clustering occurred in areas with more Asian and Hispanic residents. In NYC, clustering occurred mostly in Manhattan and was negatively associated with household size. Local regulation did not appear to affect clustering. Study findings hold lessons about both more effective regulation and enabling economic development in immigrant populations.

The Sunland Grizzly

2014 ◽  
Vol 91 (4) ◽  
pp. 56-63
Author(s):  
Josh Sides
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Los Angeles County ◽  
Southern California ◽  
Grizzly Bear ◽  
Science And Art ◽  
Founding Director

In 1916, Cornelius Birket Johnson, a Los Angeles fruit farmer, killed the last known grizzly bear in Southern California and the second-to last confirmed grizzly bear in the entire state of California. Johnson was neither a sportsman nor a glory hound; he simply hunted down the animal that had been trampling through his orchard for three nights in a row, feasting on his grape harvest and leaving big enough tracks to make him worry for the safety of his wife and two young daughters. That Johnson’s quarry was a grizzly bear made his pastoral life in Big Tujunga Canyon suddenly very complicated. It also precipitated a quagmire involving a violent Scottish taxidermist, a noted California zoologist, Los Angeles museum administrators, and the pioneering mammalogist and Smithsonian curator Clinton Hart Merriam. As Frank S. Daggett, the founding director of the Los Angeles County Museum of History, Science and Art, wrote in the midst of the controversy: “I do not recollect ever meeting a case where scientists, crooks, and laymen were so inextricably mingled.” The extermination of a species, it turned out, could bring out the worst in people.

Unification and Its Discontents

2016 ◽  
Vol 93 (2) ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
Brian Kovalesky
Keyword(s):  
Public Schools ◽  
School District ◽  
Los Angeles ◽  
School Districts ◽  
Civil Rights ◽  
Working Class ◽  
Los Angeles County ◽  
The State ◽  
White Working Class ◽  
City Schools

In the late 1950s and early 1960s, during the height of protests and actions by civil rights activists around de facto school segregation in the Los Angeles area, the residents of a group of small cities just southeast of the City of Los Angeles fought to break away from the Los Angeles City Schools and create a new, independent school district—one that would help preserve racially segregated schools in the area. The “Four Cities” coalition was comprised of residents of the majority white, working-class cities of Vernon, Maywood, Huntington Park, and Bell—all of which had joined the Los Angeles City Schools in the 1920s and 1930s rather than continue to operate local districts. The coalition later expanded to include residents of the cities of South Gate, Cudahy, and some unincorporated areas of Los Angeles County, although Vernon was eventually excluded. The Four Cities coalition petitioned for the new district in response to a planned merger of the Los Angeles City Schools—until this time comprised of separate elementary and high school districts—into the Los Angeles Unified School District (LAUSD). The coalition's strategy was to utilize a provision of the district unification process that allowed citizens to petition for reconfiguration or redrawing of boundaries. Unification was encouraged by the California State Board of Education and legislature in order to combine the administrative functions of separate primary and secondary school districts—the dominant model up to this time—to better serve the state's rapidly growing population of children and their educational needs, and was being deliberated in communities across the state and throughout Los Angeles County. The debates at the time over school district unification in the Greater Los Angeles area, like the one over the Four Cities proposal, were inextricably tied to larger issues, such as taxation, control of community institutions, the size and role of state and county government, and racial segregation. At the same time that civil rights activists in the area and the state government alike were articulating a vision of public schools that was more inclusive and demanded larger-scale, consolidated administration, the unification process reveals an often-overlooked grassroots activism among residents of the majority white, working-class cities surrounding Los Angeles that put forward a vision of exclusionary, smaller-scale school districts based on notions of local control and what they termed “community identity.”

Measles in a Patient with Presumed Immunity — Los Angeles County, 2015

2015 ◽  
Vol 64 (39) ◽  
pp. 1123 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amanda Kamali ◽  
Chhandasi P. Bagchi ◽  
Emmanuel Mendoza ◽  
Dulmini Wilson ◽  
Benjamin Schwartz ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Los Angeles ◽  
Los Angeles County
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