Assessing ‘Institutional Thickness’ in the Local Context: A Comparison of Cardiff and Sheffield

1998 ◽  
Vol 30 (6) ◽  
pp. 975-996 ◽  
Author(s):  
M Raco

Urban managers have been faced by growing problems in recent decades. Social and economic inequalities within cities have steadily grown, whereas shifting global economic relations have led to the polarisation of more and less successful local (urban) economies. At the same time many nation-states, such as Britain, have opted for greater deregulation and a resurgence of neoliberal strategies of governance, which have had the effect of disempowering local communities and managers just at the time when they would appear to be most vulnerable to the forces of change. In this context a range of authors have argued that the way forward for city authorities is through developing an institutionally based set of local networks and alliances in which a range of interests are represented politically and through which wider global economic forces can be better ‘held down’ at the local level. This ‘institutional thickness’ varies from city to city and this paper, in comparing Cardiff and Sheffield as two case studies, addresses the ways in which institutional relations have developed in those cities and the degree to which they represent effective forms of inclusive local political mobilisation and wider economic leverage. I argue that processes of ‘institutional thickness’ in cities does not necessarily create inclusive forms of local political representation and that institutional presence and interaction and the local policymaking processes they are part of, may in fact reinforce existing local social, economic, and political relations and divisions rather than leading to the encouragement of local corporatist relations.

Author(s):  
Reuven Firestone

Muslim-Jewish relations began with the emergence of Islam in 7th-century Arabia, but contacts between pre-Jewish Israelites and pre-Muslim Arabs had been common for nearly two millennia previously. These interactions inform the earliest relations between Muslims and Jews and serve as precursors to the social, cultural, religious, political, and institutional relations between Muslims and Jews from the 7th century to the present. Areas and periods of particular importance are 7th-century Arabia with first contacts between Jews and the earliest Muslims, 8th–9th-century Middle East with the establishment of legal and social status of Jews in Islam, the 9th to 14th centuries in many parts of the Muslim world with the development of great Jewish intellectual advances under Islamic influence, the subsequent decline of the Muslim world and its negative impact on Jews and other minorities, the period under colonial powers with the rise of national movements and the subsequent transition to independent nation-states that includes the rise of both Jewish and Palestinian nationalisms, and the current status of Muslim-Jewish relations today. Common issues include language production; cultural production including literature, hermeneutics, and systematic thinking; legal developments, political relations, religious commonalities and differences, and economic relations and partnerships.


2021 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela C. Rodríguez ◽  
Diwakar Mohan ◽  
Caroline Mackenzie ◽  
Jess Wilhelm ◽  
Ezinne Eze-Ajoku ◽  
...  

Abstract Background In 2015 the US President’s Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief (PEPFAR) initiated its Geographic Prioritization (GP) process whereby it prioritized high burden areas within countries, with the goal of more rapidly achieving the UNAIDS 90–90-90 targets. In Kenya, PEPFAR designated over 400 health facilities in Northeastern Kenya to be transitioned to government support (known as central support (CS)). Methods We conducted a mixed methods evaluation exploring the effect of GP on health systems, and HIV and non-HIV service delivery in CS facilities. Quantitative data from a facility survey and health service delivery data were gathered and combined with data from two rounds of interviews and focus group discussions (FGDs) conducted at national and sub-national level to document the design and implementation of GP. The survey included 230 health facilities across 10 counties, and 59 interviews and 22 FGDs were conducted with government officials, health facility providers, patients, and civil society. Results We found that PEPFAR moved quickly from announcing the GP to implementation. Despite extensive conversations between the US government and the Government of Kenya, there was little consultation with sub-national actors even though the country had recently undergone a major devolution process. Survey and qualitative data identified a number of effects from GP, including discontinuation of certain services, declines in quality and access to HIV care, loss of training and financial incentives for health workers, and disruption of laboratory testing. Despite these reports, service coverage had not been greatly affected; however, clinician strikes in the post-transition period were potential confounders. Conclusions This study found similar effects to earlier research on transition and provides additional insights about internal country transitions, particularly in decentralized contexts. Aside from a need for longer planning periods and better communication and coordination, we raise concerns about transitions driven by epidemiological criteria without adaptation to the local context and their implication for priority-setting and HIV investments at the local level.


2008 ◽  
Vol 3 ◽  
pp. 54-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Damodar Tripathi

By using both qualitative and quantitative data generated from primary as well as secondary sources the study tries to find out to what extent the social mobilization approach of UNDP supported Village Development Program (VDP) was effective to include and able to empower the indigenous Tharu people. The socio-economic status of majority of Tharus was weak and limited by state policies since historical period and local power relations which played the pivotal role to result to exclude them from the mainstream of development. In macro level the social mobilization approach of VDP was strong to initiate the issue of inclusion to empower the marginalized people, but in local level it was weak to implement the policies efficiently and effectively regards to local diverse conditions and differentiated actors. The diversity in the village resulted in the different responses to the social mobilization program. Particularly the social mobilization process was generalized and limited by the local networks of power relation. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hjsa.v3i0.1496 Himalayan Journal of Sociology and Anthropology Vol.III, Sept. 2008 p.54-72


Author(s):  
Jason L. Powell

This article forecasts quite dramatic increases in the general population of the globe, which will also be reflected in increasing ageing populations. This paper explores how globalization and its structural economic and social forces throws into flux the policies and practices of individual nation states to address social, economic and political issues for older people focusing on empirical data on pensions and health and social care. The paper will examine specific empirical areas of populational projections across the world before we discuss some of the key challenges and consequences of global ageing for the study of ageing populations. It highlights how empirical research needs to move from being state centred to one of which acknowledges global forces and the impact of populational ageing.


2001 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Suzanne LaFont

The role and status of women in the post-communist countries has been and continues to be varied and full of contradictions. This article discusses the historical, social, economic, and political dynamics affecting the lives of women during the transition from communism to democracy. It argues that democracy, rather than diminishing gender discrimination, has widened the gender gap through declines in women's political representation and increases in women's unemployment and underemployment. Recently, however, the proliferation of women's organizations and the growth of women's studies programs suggests a more optimistic outlook for the future.


2021 ◽  
pp. 51-52
Author(s):  
В.С. Семенович

С 1988 года начался новый период экономических и политических отношений России с развивающимися странами Азии, Африки и Латинской Америки. Особо тесные торговые и финансовые отношения России сложились и поддерживаются с Венесуэлой, Бразилией, Индией, Эфиопией, Ливией, Ганой, Алжиром, Нигерией, Сирией, Ираком и другими развивающимися странами. Но с 2019 года это взаимодействие усложнилось в связи с мировым кризисом вследствие пандемии Covid-19. Все страны мира были вынуждены вносить коррективы в свои внешнеэкономические связи. Since 1988, a new period of economic and political relations between Russia and the developing countries of Asia, Africa and Latin America began. Particularly close trade and financial relations of Russia have developed and are maintained with Venezuela, Brazil, India, Ethiopia, Libya, Ghana, Algeria, Nigeria, Syria, Iraq and other developing countries. But since 2019, this interaction has become more complex due to the global crisis due to the Covid-19 pandemic. All countries of the world were forced to make adjustments to their foreign economic relations


2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 392 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bertha Vallejo ◽  
Banji Oyelaran-Oyeyinka ◽  
Nicholas Ozor ◽  
Maurice Bolo

This study explores the innovation intermediaries’ landscape in sub-Saharan Africa, considering Science Granting Councils (SGCs) as the key intermediaries in the system. Based on extensive desk research, personal interviews, and an online survey, the study discusses the roles and functions performed by SGCs as intermediators and influences of science, technology, and innovation (STI) policy. The results of the analysis corroborate the need for institutional and systemic changes to enable SGCs to perform their role. The realities, resources, and constraints at the local level cry out for the adaptation of current and future partnerships to the local context. The study concludes that only by tailoring partnerships to the development of capacity at the local level can SGCs perform effectively as influencers of national STI policy and mediators of partnerships with foreign development actors.


2013 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 955-985
Author(s):  
Anna M. Mirkova

AbstractThis article explores the migrations of Turkish Muslims after the 1878 Peace Treaty of Berlin, which severed much of the Balkans from the Ottoman Empire as fully independent nation-states or as nominally dependent polities in the borderlands of the empire. I focus on one such polity—the administratively autonomous Ottoman province of Eastern Rumelia—which, in wrestling to reconcile liberal principles of equality and political representation understood in ethno-religious terms, prompted emigration of Turkish Muslims while enabling Bulgarian Christian hegemony. Scholars have studied Muslim emigration from the Balkans as the Ottoman Empire gradually lost hold of the region, emphasizing deleterious effects of nationalism and aggressive state-building in the region. Here I look at migration at empire's end, and more specifically at the management of migration as constitutive of sovereignty. The Ottoman government asserted its suzerainty by claiming to protect the rights of Eastern Rumelia's Muslims. The Bulgarian dominated administration of Eastern Rumelia claimed not only administrative but also political autonomy by trying to contain the grievances of Turkish Muslims as a domestic issue abused by ill-meaning outsiders, all the while insisting that the province protected the rights of all subjects. Ultimately, a “corporatist” model of subjecthood obtained in Eastern Rumelia, which fused the traditional religious categorization of Ottoman subjects with an ethnic one under the umbrella of representative government. The tension between group belonging and individual politicization that began unfolding in Eastern Rumelia became a major dilemma of the post-Ottoman world and other post-imperial societies after World War I.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document