Review: Emissions Trading: An Exercise on Reforming Pollution Policy, Urbanization in the World-Economy, Communities in Crisis, a Systems Approach to Social Impact Assessment: Two Alaskan Case Studies, Concorde and Dissent: Explaining High Technology Project Failures in Britain and France, Analytical Urban Geography: Spatial Patterns and Theories, People in Cities: The Urban Environment and its Effects, Cities in Crisis: The Political Economy of Urban Development in Post-War Britain, Basic Methods of Policy Analysis and Planning

1986 ◽  
Vol 18 (4) ◽  
pp. 557-568
Author(s):  
T O'Riordan ◽  
A D King ◽  
A Kellerman ◽  
B D Solomon ◽  
P Hall ◽  
...  
2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lawrence A. Palinkas ◽  
Bruce Murray Harris ◽  
John S. Petterson

2018 ◽  
Vol 40 (4) ◽  
pp. 141-160
Author(s):  
Christopher Ocker

Historians are only beginning to appreciate fully the political and social impact of the aftermath of the German Peasants’ War. The case of Barbara (Schweikart) von Fuchstein, widow of Sebastian von Fuchstein, a Kaufbeuren lawyer suspected of Anabaptism and exiled at the end of the war, sheds light on the role of middle-rank nobility in the process of post-war reordering. Her eventual success in a conflict with her violent cousin, Ulrich Schweikert, a knight in the service of the Abbot of Kempten, draws attention to middle-rank competition in the Upper Allgäu, where historians have emphasized the tenacity of peasants and the long-term winnings of princes. Her case also illustrates the flux of religious identities at ground level in the early Reformation, among lay people whose interest in the religious controversy was secondary to, perhaps inseparable from, family business. Les historiens commencent à peine à mieux comprendre l’impact politique et social des suites de la Guerre des Paysans en Allemagne. Le cas de Barbara (Schweikart) von Fuchstein, veuve de Sebastian von Fuchstein, un avocat de Kaufbeuren suspecté d’être anabaptiste et exilé à la fin de la guerre, met en lumière le rôle de la petite noblesse dans la réorganisation d’après-guerre. En effet, le succès remporté par Barbara (Schweikart) von Fuchstein contre son agressif cousin, Ulrich Schweikart, chevalier au service de l’abbé de Kempten, attire notre attention sur la compétition se déroulant au sein de cette noblesse dans la région de l’Oberallgaü, tandis que les historiens ont par ailleurs souligné la ténacité des paysans et les gains à long terme des princes. Ce cas illustre également le caractère changeant des identités religieuses dans les populations des débuts de la Réforme, tels les laïcs ayant moins d’intérêt pour les controverses religieuses que pour leurs affaires familiales, voire subordonnant les premières aux secondes.


1986 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 219
Author(s):  
Lee J. Cuba ◽  
Lawrence A. Palinkas ◽  
Bruce Murray Harris ◽  
John S. Petterson

The first academic study of Lord Woolton’s important wartime role, first as Minister of Food and subsequently as Minister of Reconstruction. Woolton’s Diaries and correspondence (including with Churchill) provide key insights into how the Ministry of Food continued to operate substantially undisturbed by bombing raids, because of its relocation to Colwyn Bay while Woolton maintained the propaganda machinery for the Ministry in London. This enables a fuller understanding of the political dimensions to decisions on rationing, and the constant challenges facing the Ministry. It reveals Woolton’s consciousness of the social impact of rationing decisions, including reportage of their reception in the newspapers of the day. The book also includes a focus on Woolton’s role as Minister of Reconstruction, and how his non-party status was crucial to the development of key white papers on the main reconstruction issues, including employment, housing and a post-war national health service. His work in this area is little known, and it deserves to be better known as a background to the development of the Welfare State post-1945. Using a thematic approach to selection of diary entries and correspondence, with references to Woolton’s key speeches in the Lords during his tenure as Minister of Food, and Minister of Reconstruction, this book provides new insights into the relations between government departments as well as into the reasoning behind the choices made by politicians in food rationing and reconstruction.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 264-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chantal Hervieux ◽  
Annika Voltan

Purpose The purpose of the paper is to propose a systems change lens to current approaches to assessing social impact in social ventures. Many existing tools for measuring social impact are limited in their capacity to assess the inherent complexities and interconnected nature of the work done by social enterprises. Design/methodology/approach The paper uses in-depth interviews with sector experts to gain insights into their needs related to impact assessment, as well as issues they face when attempting to understand and measure their impact. Findings Expert interviews provide insights into how social impact occurs through interconnected systems. It also highlights the need for impact assessment to better consider interaction within systems and networks. Results support previous work concerning the need for methods that can better account for complexity, interacting problems and the place of power in influencing actions. Research limitations/implications Following results from interviews and review of existing literature, symbolic interactionism and Social Worlds/Arenas theories are used to gain insight as to how impact can be conceptualized in terms of systemic shifts in social equilibria. The model proposes to capture the contested definitions of problems and their negotiation in social structures. Originality/value Grounded in sociological theory, the model brings a new theoretical approach to social impact assessment, one that provides a different view of social structures than existing models that are grounded in economic metrics. The proposed model, therefore, provides a new lens for the detailed assessment of the complex interactions between systems.


2006 ◽  
pp. 54-75
Author(s):  
Klaus Peter Friedrich

Facing the decisive struggle between Nazism and Soviet communism for dominance in Europe, in 1942/43 Polish communists sojourning in the USSR espoused anti-German concepts of the political right. Their aim was an ethnic Polish ‘national communism’. Meanwhile, the Polish Workers’ Party in the occupied country advocated a maximum intensification of civilian resistance and partisan struggle. In this context, commentaries on the Nazi judeocide were an important element in their endeavors to influence the prevailing mood in the country: The underground communist press often pointed to the fate of the murdered Jews as a warning in order to make it clear to the Polish population where a deficient lack of resistance could lead. However, an agreed, unconditional Polish and Jewish armed resistance did not come about. At the same time, the communist press constantly expanded its demagogic confrontation with Polish “reactionaries” and accused them of shared responsibility for the Nazi murder of the Jews, while the Polish government (in London) was attacked for its failure. This antagonism was intensified in the fierce dispute between the Polish and Soviet governments after the rift which followed revelations about the Katyn massacre. Now the communist propaganda image of the enemy came to the fore in respect to the government and its representatives in occupied Poland. It viewed the government-in-exile as being allied with the “reactionaries,” indifferent to the murder of the Jews, and thus acting ultimately on behalf of Nazi German policy. The communists denounced the real and supposed antisemitism of their adversaries more and more bluntly. In view of their political isolation, they coupled them together, in an undifferentiated manner, extending from the right-wing radical ONR to the social democrats and the other parties represented in the underground parliament loyal to the London based Polish government. Thereby communist propaganda tried to discredit their opponents and to justify the need for a new start in a post-war Poland whose fate should be shaped by the revolutionary left. They were thus paving the way for the ultimate communist takeover


Author(s):  
Simon Morgan Wortham

This chapter evaluates the question of the ‘complex’ in a range of scientific, political and psychoanalytic contexts, asking not only where lines of connection and demarcation occur among specific distributions of meaning, value, theory and practice; but also probing the psychoanalytic corpus, notably Freud’s writings on the notion of a ‘complex’, in order to reframe various implications of the idea that this term tends to resist its own utilisation as both an object and form of analysis. This section establishes connections between three sets of theoretical questions: the common practice of describing modernity and its wake in terms of a drive towards increasing complexity; the meaning and cultural legacy of phrases such as ‘military-industrial complex’ and sundry derivations in the political sphere; and the intricacies and ambiguities subtending the term ‘complex’ within psychoanalytic theory. As a concept that Freud both utilised and repudiated, the provocative power of the term ‘complex’ is linked to the way it thwarts various attempts at systemization (providing nonetheless an apparatus of sorts through which contemporary science, Slavoj Žižek, Noam Chomsky, Freud, Eisenhower, and post-war politics can be articulated to one another).


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


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